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In the period covered by the present volume, namely from March 25, 1683, to July, 1688, the correspondence of the first Duke of Ormond is concluded. More than half the volume is fiUed by the correspondence of the last two years of his third term of office as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and the remaining pages carry the correspondence down to his death, and contain extracts from inventories of his furniture, plate and pictures, and a catalogue of his books.

With the exception of the last six months of his employment as Viceroy, Ormond was during the five years resident in England, and the letters to him are almost entirely occupied with Irish affairs. . As long as he held the position of Lord Deputy, the Earl of Arran continued to be his father's chief informant, with help in regard to legal questions from the Lord Chancellor, Archbishop Boyle, and the Solicitor-General, Sir John Temple. From the time he was superseded in the government by Ormond's return to Ireland until his own death, which occurred little more than two years later, Arran had, however, seldom occasion to write to his father, and duruag the remaining years of Ormond's life, in addition to Archbishop Boyle, who governed Ireland for ten months after Ormond laid down the sword, and Sir John Temple, Ormond's most frequent correspondents were the fifth Earl of Roscommon, who commanded Ormond's regiment, the Earl of Longford, the first Viscount Moimtjoy of the Stewart creation, and Sir Cyril Wyche, who acted during Ormond's short stay in Ireland in the capacity of his chief secretary. There are also in this volume a number of letters to Arran from John Keatmge, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Sir Robert Reading, an ancestor of the Duke of Abercorn, Lemuel Kingdon, a commissioner of the Irish revenue, and others.

As the correspondence in the previous volume has shown Ormond had been kept in London, whither he had gone for the purpose of contracting an alliance for his grandson, by command of the King, and his stay appears to have been now further prolonged by a combination of private and public motives. Writing a few days after the correspondence in this volume opens, Arran says that the good effect of the air of England on his parents' health may excuse their staying longer " than is discoursed of," while in a subsequent letter he refers to " the thoughts of calling a Parliament " as obhging Ormond to remain in England for that summer.* Although

* Infra, pp. 2, 9.

there are allusions to one or two severe attacks of illness,* Ormond enjoyed on the whole good health until the time of his death, hut the Duchess of Ormond's condition was then a source of anxiety. Four months after the correspondence in this volume commences she went to Bath " rather to have an opportunity of dying out of her husband's sight than out of any hopes she had of a recovery,"| but the waters proved beneficial, and m the autumn Ormond wrote that she was as well as he had ever known her at that time of year. J A country house at Little Chelsea was provided as a retreat for her,§ but she remained by her husband's side until the following summer, when, on Saturday, July 20, her death took place. || In the end it came unexpectedly. A fortnight before she had expected to return to Ireland towards the end of that month, and although she had been ill for some days she had been pronounced out of danger by her physicians, and " the sudden change that happened to her" came as a surprise to those around her. ^ What her Toss meant to Ormond may be gathered from a letter of condolence- sent to him by Archbishop Boyle :

" You have lost the noblest person, the wisest friend

and the best of wives that ever lived ; one of such an

universal goodness that her death doth worthily challenge

not only your Grace's but the kingdom's lamentation ....

If my computation fails me not, it is about fifty-five

years that you have been happy in each other. What

an age of mercies have you possessed together ! How

have you supported each other through all the changes

and varieties of fortune, and have made even your

sufferings easy to you both by your mutual assistances ! "**

A month before the Duchess of Ormond's death the King

had decided that Ormond should return to Ireland. Apparently

it had been Ormond's intention to remain in England until

the following spring, and the change of residence before that

time was not altogether agreeable to him.ff He does not

disclose what reason was given by the King for requiriilg

him to resume his place in Ireland, or what he himself surmised

to be the cause of the King's resolution, but the origin of the

order was no doubt to be found in the wish of the King's

advisers to remove him from the Court. A year before he had

written to Arran that dissatisfaction was once more expressed

in regard to the government of Ireland, and these reflections

he had rightly conjectured had reference no less to himself

than to his son.|f It was Ormond's fate to please neither

party m the state, and the attack came now from the Duke

of York and his friends, who had become predominant with

* Injra, pp. 206-208, 215, 360. |1 Infra, p. 258.

t Carte's Life of Ormond, Oxon, 1| Infra, pp. 255, 258.

1851, iv, 663. ** Infra, p. 260.

i Infra, pp. 104, 106, 118, 148. if Infra, pp. 249, 253.

§ Infra, p. 175. jt Infra, p. 61.


the King, and centred round a charge that disaffection was rife in both miHtary and civil life in Ireland and was counten- anced by the executive in that country. So long as Ormond was near the King the Duke of York and his friends found it impossible to advance their policy as they wished, and as a first step they secured his removal to a distance.

That they had not overestimated the effect of his presence, the result proved. On the 5th of August Ormond set out from Windsor for Ireland, arriving in Dublin a fortnight later,* and on the 19th of October the King acquainted him with his determination " to put that government into another hand." Although warnings had reached him of the probabihty of such an event,t the actual notification took Ormond by surprise. Five days before it reached himj he had despatched Arran to wait upon the King with an account of Ireland that he had every reason to expect would be pleasing to his Majesty. His confidence that he was able to pursue a pohcy in accordance with the King's wishes is best seen from the letter of which his son was the bearer :

Dublin, October 26, 1684. May it please your Majesty,

Nothing can be more evident than the good effect the vigour and steadiness of your Majesty's councils has had in this kingdom in about two years and a half that I have had the honour to attend upon your service and person in England, courage and example having been taken from thence by your servants here ; and though I do not believe that the submission to your government and conformity to your laws in so short a time can proceed from conviction of conscience and a total change of principles, in all or most of those who now acquiesce in outward appearances, yet it may be hoped, that finding the ease and safety of hving peace- ably with their neighbours and obediently towards the government, the constraint they may yet suffer by dissembling their affections may in time wear off, and leave no inclination in them to endeavour a change of their condition ; especially if the government be supported by such a force that an attempt to disturb it may not seem easy, which I mention because it is now in your Majesty's power to establish such a force to the satis- faction of the generahty of your subjects of this kingdom and to the dissatisfaction of none that desire to live, and let others live, loyally and happily. This is what I could never say before, in all the time I have had the honour to serve your Majesty, and the King your father in the place I am in.

The bearer, my son, goes over furnished with what may make this appear with all the certainty anj^hing

* Infra, p. 267. { Infra, p. 281.

■(■ Cajte, op cit, iv, 669.


of this nature can be capable of, and with other accounts of the state and management of your affairs here ; such as I hope will satisfy your Majesty that your commands concerniag your army, and all others your instructions and directions are and will be punctually obeyed by, may it please your Majesty,

Your Majesty's most faithful and most humble and most obedient subject and ^ervant,

Ormond.* But the changes which the Duke of York and his friends required were such as Ormond could never have been brought to recommend or to concur in. Their extent is made plain in the King's letter conveying to Ormond his dismissal, a letter in which Charles II takes no pains to disguise his own fickle character :

Newmarket, October 19, 1684. " I find it absolutely necessary for my service, that very many and almost general alterations should be made hi Ireland, both in the civil and mihtary parts of the government ; that several persons who were recommended and placed by you, and who were fit to be so at that time, must now be removed, which, I thmk, would be too hard to impose upon you to be the director of. For which reason and others of the like nature, I have resolved to put that government into another hand, and have made choice of my Lord Rochester, who is every way fit for it, and in one respect fitter than any other man can be, which is that the near relation he has to you makes your concerns and those of your family to be his, and he will have that care of them which I desire may be always continued. And because I would have this alteration appear with all the regard and consideration that I have for you, I offer it to yourself to propose in what manner you would wish it to be done, and afterwards, if you choose to stay in that country, all who I employ shall pay you all the respect your merit and long constant services can expect, and whenever you come hither, you shall receive the same marks of my kindness, esteem and confidence you have hitherto had, and this you may depend upon. Nothing I have now resolved on this subject shall be pubhc till I hear from you ; and so be sure of my kindnesses.

Chaeles Rex.I Ormond seldom criticised the conduct of his sovereign, but on that occasion he gave vent in more than one letter to his sense of the injustice that had been done him. To his son in particular he communicated with much freedom his private thoughts, and gave in detail the allegations that had been made in order to secure his removal :

* Carte, op cii, V. 169. ^I^id.p.lGQ. The original is at Kilkenney Castle.


" It run in my head that not long smce, that is no longer than when the Popish Plot was in its vigour, I had received a letter from the King in another style and of another complexion than that of the 19th of October last, and upon search I found it, and herewith I send you a copy of it and of my answer to it, not that I would have you make any other use of it than to keep it by you, to teach you, or rather to mmd you, that Kings have no better memories than other men, for if the King had remembered the one, I believe he would not have written the other, but it seems I was one of those that was fit to be employed then, and not now. My defects and failings were then covered, but now they are con- spicuous and mustered up, my age, my sloth, my aversion to Eoman Catholics, my neghgence in the choice of such as I have recommended to or placed in the King's service, Mr. Ellis's corruptions, manifested in his purchasing of places and lands, with his vast and extravagant undertakings, and his offers upon matches to settle 20,000Z. when it is known he was not worth the twentieth part of it when he came into play, all which could not be got fairly or without the countenance, at least connivance, of the chief governor."* In reply to the King's letter Ormond had intimated his intention when he laid down the sword of returning to London to perform the duties of the office of Lord Steward, which by " his Majesty's bounty " was stiU left to him, and had asked that his removal should not fall in the winter, "an unfit season for an old man to travel in, or for any man to make provision for his future residence."! In the interval the death of Charles II took place. Some weeks before Ormond had learned that restrictions as to the exercise of patronage were to be imposed on his successor which had never been customary in his own case, J and as this intimation had greatly mitigated his feeling of chagrin he was able to give expression to whole-hearted sorrow for one whom his extraordinary loyalty to the Crown led him to style "the best King, the best master, and the best friend that ever man had."§ The accession of James II made no change in the arrangements for Ormond's departure from Ireland except that the govern- ment was to be transferred to Lords Justices instead of to Lord Rochester. Although he had been at one time willing to make an exception in that nobleman's favour, || Ormond was reluctant to accept the humiUation of surrendering the sword in person, a position in which he had never been previously placed, but owing to his representations on that subject being delayed in transit, it was arranged that his successors should be sworn into office before he left Ireland.

* Infra, p. 295. § Ibid, p. 177.

t Carte, op cit, v. 171. || Infra, p. 283.

i Ibid, p. 176.

From that country he set sail, never to return, on March 28, 1685.

The rule of James II cannot but have been regarded by Ormond from the first with grave misgivings, and it brought to him unhappiness and loss of income. As letters in this volume show, he viewed with deep distress the removal of officers who had formerly been attached to his person from the Irish army, and of friends from positions in civil life to which he had himself promoted them. In several letters he alludes to his own circumstances, but especially in a remarkable one to his step-brother and financial adviser, Captain Mathew : " I confess I did not soon enough foresee that it was possible that in this King's or his brother's reign I should be put to seek for a habitation or retreat out of the coimtry where my fortune lies ; but it is so far come to pass that I had rather five and die in Carolina than in Ireland, and you must pardon my repeating it, if you had foreseen it but as soon as I did, or if you had trusted to my foresight, I presume I had been in better condition than I am Mke to be, and possibly I had not been put so soon to such retrenchments as I must make, how unwilling soever I am to go less or to part with old servants. You may guess I am full of the sense of the uneasiness I am threatened with at this age when I venture to visit it thus and in this way."*" But Ormond was inclined to blame the King's advisers for what was amiss rather than the King himself, and was constant in his attendance at Court until a year before his death. t He removed then to Kingston Hall in Dorsetshire, where on July 21, 1688, he died. Of his life in the country a glimpse is caught in a letter from the faithful controller of his household to his steward at Kilkenny, written in the autumn of 1687 :

"His Grace continues as you saw him at Badminton,

very little the better.' I pray God restore him to his

former health. He is, I thank God, very heart-whole.

Yesterday was the King's birthday and we were very

merry, but now Lord Ossory and his family are gone.

Dean Jones and Sir Oliver St. George are all gone, so

we are now alone."f

In the present volume there are several references to the

Earl of Arran which confirms the statements as to his habits

of self-indulgence and show that his conduct while he held

the office of Lord Deputy did not always become a chief

governor. The " track of goodfellowship," which was followed

by him at that time, was used as one of the excuses for urging

his father's removal,§ and probably was more than ever

pursued after his connection with the Irish Government

* Infra, p. 483. O/. also letter to i Infra, p. 495.

Sir John Temple, p. 494. § Irifra, p. 295.

t Infra, p. 488.


ceased, and was accountable in a large measure for his premature death. Here and there in his letters passages show, however, tlie ability which gained for him at first such high encomiums,* and although his relations with his wife do not seem to have been always of the most happy kind, his affectionate nature is conspicuous in regard to his parents and his children. Two sons had replaced the one lost in 1681, Lord Tullow and Mr. James, "the finest child," observes a member of Arran's household, " I ever saw," but they lived only a short time. His daughter Charlotte, the only one of his children that survived him, was Arran's constant companion and in one of his letters to his father there is a pretty excuse for some scribbhngs made by her on the back of the sheet on which he wrote. f Owing to the extravagance of his wife and himself he had become much embarrassed in his circumstances and was beset by " the clamour of hungry folks at not having been paid."| "Never was any man," says his friend, Chief Justice Keatinge, " so misled and made a prey of by his own servants. His straitened condition had probably some part in an idea of his volimteering for service against the Turks, or obtaining employment as Viceroy of New England.]! Fair friends, who drew Arran away from the ties of home and business in Dublin, particularly Bell Stephens in aU her glory, receive occasional notice in the correspondence,^ and "roUs of music papers " sent to him from time to time by the celebrated Dr. Staggins were not the least anxiously expected communications from London.** To Chief Justice Keatinge the news of Arran's death, which occurred in London on January 26, 1685-6, in his forty-eighth year, came as no surprise, and in his letter of condolence Primate Boyle makes no reference to his death as a pubhc loss, but dwells entirely on Ormond's sorrow. ft

To his grandson and successor, the Earl of Ossory, Ormond alludes in the early part of the correspondence in this volume with reserve, and as if his future was a source of anxiety to him. In the spring of 1684 the young man went to the Netherlands to gain " honour and experience " in the mihtary operations then pending before Luxemburgh, an expedition which Ormond thought was likely to prove more chargeable to him than instructive to his grandson, |J but in less than two months was recalled by Ormond in order to accompany him to Ireland. IJn the opiaion of his aunt. Lady Cavendish, it would have been to Ossory's advantage to have stayed longer abroad, but according to her "nothing of that idnd " had ever happened to him.§§ Both Ossory and his wife went with Ormond to Ireland ; and it was arranged that they

* Sii/pra, vol. vi, p. xi. ^ Infra, pp. 337, 340. Cf. also p. 379.

t Infra, p. 157. ** Infra, pp. 175, 205.

X Infra, p. 282. ft Infra, pp. 407, 408.

§ Infra, p. 408. jj Infra, p. 227.

11 Infra, p. 289. §§ Infra, p. 251.


were to remain there with her father. But even if Rochester had come to Ireland as Viceroy, the arrangement was destined not to be carried out for on January 25th, 1684-5, Lady Ossory, who had only completed her seventeenth birthday three days before, died. Ormond deeply lamented her loss, but thought it his duty to rouse himself from his sorrow to seek a fresh aUiance for his grandson. Within a month of the first Lady Ossory's death he was in communication with Sir Robert Southwell regarding a daughter of the Duke of Beaufort,* and before eight months had elapsed Ossory was married to her. Ossory was attacked by smallpox when returning to England with his grandfather, but took part in June in the suppression of Monmouth's rebelhon. After his second marriage he seems to have lived on more cordial terms with his grandfather, and a letter from him to Ormond betokens affectionate devotion on his wife's part as weU as his own.f

Several letters will be found in the present volume from the ninth Earl of Derby, who was married to a sister of Lord Ossory. They are concerned chiefly with his regahties in the Isle of Man, and the suppression of dissent, in which Derby was not over zealous." There are also some letters from Ormond's son-in-law, the second Earl of Chesterfield, and some references to Chesterfield's only daughter, Lady Betty Stanhope.

So far as England is concerned the Rye House Plot and the pohtical situation created by it are the subjects most fully treated of in the present volume. The discovery of the plot is announced on June 22, 1683, to Arran by his father, who says that though he is " as slow as any man in his belief of such discoveries and attempts," yet he believes that the attempt to kill Charles II. and the Duke of York would have been made only that the fire in Newmarket compelled them to return to London ten days sooner than they had intended. f Ormond was one of those appointed to take examinations and observes in a letter to his son-in-law, Lord Chesterfield, that the conspiracy against the lives of the King and the Duke and the insurrection " that should have accompanied or immediately followed upon it " were " so contemporary and near akin that it will be hard to beheve but that they who are evidently involved in the one, were, at least some of them, privy to the other ; however, it may be difficult judicially to prove it."§ He foretold what the result of Lord RusseU's trial would be, and was of opinion that the suicide of the Earl of Essex did not influence the jury, although known to them before they gave their verdict. || In regard to Essex Arran wrote to his father that he thought "he durst not of all men have done such an act upon himself, but rather that he would have discovered all he knew."^

* Infra, p. 335. § Infra, p. 60.

t Infra, p. 420. |! Infra, pp. 62, 73.

J Infra, p. 51. % Infra, p. 77.


The Plot led to much activity in Ireland against the Dissenters. On receipt of the letter from Ormond cited above Arran ordered at once " some troops of horse north- ward " and sent also " some intelligent persons " to ascertain how far the Plot had extended in that part of the country.* Two of the conspirators, Rumbold and Walcot, had connection with Ireland whither they were at first beheved to have fled, and Colonel Richard Lawrence, a resident ia Ireland well known as a writer on economic subjects, and often alluded to in this correspondence, was suspected of being cognizant of their movements. f The excitement led to many false reports. A magistrate asserted that he had taken the Duke of Monmouth at Swords, near Dublin, but this notable prisoner, on a guard being sent to take charge of him, proved to be a deserter from one of the Irish regiments, who had formerly been employed as an upholsterer in Kilkenny Castle. " There has been before and since that," says Arran, " several Dukes of Monmouth and Tom Armstrongs seen here, if informers may be beUeved."f In consequence of Arran 's efforts conventicles were suppressed to an extent that was " not expected or scarce hoped for " and " the law of twelve pence a Sunday for those who come not to church " was enforced. § In the opinion of Ormond further severity was, however, necessary. " Dispersmg of conventicles," he says, " if nothing more follow that may make them weary of meeting is no better than scattering a flock of crows that will soon assemble again, and possibly it were better to let them alone than to let them see the impotence of the government upon which they wiU presume." ||

But the main subject touching Ireland of which the correspondence between Ormond and his son treats is the Irish army. The commands in it had begun to fetch exorbitant prices, and the traffic in commissions had become notorious and caused much dissatisfaction in high quarters. Projects for its regulation were also constantly under consideration, and the delay in the payment of arrears gave rise to frequent complaints.^ There are also many references in Arran's letters to the collection of the revenue and to disputes between the Commissioners and their predecessors, the Farmers, and much criticism, in which Arran had the assistance of the Primate and Sir John Temple, of a commission of Grace for the Remedy of Defective Titles which was appointed in the last year of Charles II.'s reign.

As regards Ireland interest will, however, centre in the letters written from thence after the accession of James II. Foremost amongst these are the letters from Archbishop Boyle, to whom in conjunction with Lord Granard the govern- ment of Ireland was committed on Ormond's departure.


Infra, p. 59. % Infra, pp. 96, 181.

Infra, pp. 54, 63, 65, 66, 97. || Infra, p. 102.

Infra, p. 95. \ pp. 9, 10, 39, 43, 51, 57, 71, 99.


In one of his earliest letters in the present volume Ormond bears testimony to Boyle's judicial rectitude and abilities, saying that nothing less than " the conviction of his most infallible senses or palpable demonstration " would ever persuade him that Boyle could be tempted " to swerve from the rules of justice," or " to employ the authority of his place, or the great force of his reason, to the oppression of great or small,"* and from a letter of the Earl of Eochester, Ormond would appear to have himself recommended the appointment of both Boyle and his brother Lord Justice. f But Boyle proved too ready to acquiesce in the new policy in Ireland to please Ormond. He saw no reason to complain of the disbanding of the horse and battle-axe guards which Ormond considered an injustice to the officers who had bought their commissions, f and he allowed a general disarming of Protestants to be carried out without an official remonstrance, until told by Ormond that " if he went out of the government without leaving behind him some public manifestation of his care and concern for the loyal Protestants of Ireland, he would not leave the world with that character he had lived in it."§

But the chief source of Ormond's dissatisfaction was the sub- servience of the Irish administration to the Earl of Tyrconnell. " By all that are bare lookers on, and even by what I gather from some of the Ministers of State," he writes, " the Lords Justices are thought to have complied with the Earl of Tyrconnell in the irregularity and presumption of his proceedings beyond what they had any direction or he had any authority for, and that it is from their low compUance with him that he has become the terror of aU sorts of men in office, whether ecclesiastical, civil or miUtary, upon supposition that by his favoiirable and advantageous representation they are to lose or hold their places, whereas in truth the Lords Justices had no other direction than to consult with him in matters concerning the army, and not to be influenced by his advice even in that."|| In this particular the principal responsibility was, however, laid at the door of Boyle's co-Lord Justice, Arthur, first Earl of Granard, in regard to whose somewhat tortuous career considerable information will be foimd in this volume. Accusa- tions which were brought against him of having assisted the Earl of Argyll to escape, and of having been concerned in the scheme for an insurrection at the time of the Rye House Plot, indicate at least that his associates then were not the friends of the Duke of York,^ but during a visit to the Court

* Infra, p. 15. ^ Infra, pp. 76, 374. It is said by

■f Infra, p. 320. his biographer (Memoirs of the Earls of

% Infra, pp. 349, 352. Oranard, pp. 35, 57) that Granard

I Infra, pp. 349, 396. connived at Argyll's escape and

II Infra, p. 374, always resisted the measurea of

James II.


in the last months of Charles II.'s reign his views appear to have undergone a change simultaneously with his promotion to an earldom, and these letters show that for a time he was little more than a creature of the Earl of TyrconneU. Although Ormond had a kindly feeling towards him from a recollection of his services to Charles I.,* Granard was not one of his intimates and is mentioned in this volume as a rival of his son as well as of his brother-in law, FitzPatrick, whom Granard challenged to fight a dueLf

With the Earl of Clarendon, whose arrival in Ireland as Lord Lieutenant in January, 1686, terminated the reign of Boyle and Granard, Ormond was on more friendly terms, and exchanged the use of Kilkenny for that of Combury while Clarendon was Viceroy. Ormond felt the utmost sympathy for him in the unenviable position in which he was placed, and the substitution of Roman Catholics for Protestants in the L:ish army and proposed repeal of the Act of Settlement gave rise to some correspondence between them. On Clarendon's return to England in February, 1687, Ormond wrote to him that his conduct of the Lish government had won the prayers of good and loyal men, and as a mark of his own approbation appointed him High Steward of the University of Oxford. J

Li the opinion of Ormond the evil genius of James II.'s reign was the Earl of Tjrrconnell, of whom he never says a good word. He had incurred Ormond's disfavour not only by his pohcy but by personal acts of discourtesy in the removal of old members of Ormond's household from the army and oppression of those who were known to be Ormond's friends. Even during Clarendon's viceroyalty Ormond found it impossible to excuse James II.'s toleration of TyrconneU, and could only find comfort in the hope that his employment was a temporary expedient.

" His Majesty as long as he employs the Earl of TyrconneU in so high a place, and great a trust," Ormond wrote to Lord Longford, " may think it necessary to support him, even in some irregularities and excesses, at least not to mortify him, or lessen his authority by any pubUc reprehensions, however he may dislike the roughness of his proceedings in the discharge of his trust, the nature of which, if it be such as his lordship assumes, would require aU the smoothness and temper the perform- ance of it is capable of . . . . It would be surprising and uncomfortable enough if his Majesty should take the character of aU men's affections in that kingdom to his service, even from my Lord TyrconneU himself; but to take from him when he takes it but from others, who perhaps are not very competent judges or informers in the case, would be something more intolerable, so

* Infra, pp. 277, 278. % Infra, pp. 476, 487^

•f Infra, pp. 257, 293.


that I cannot fear but that his Majesty will take other measures, and ia that confidence suffering should have patience."* After Tyrconnell's appointment as Lord Deputy in room of Clarendon only five short letters from Ormond are preserved. In one of them he expresses his intention of having " writings and goods " brought to England, evidently for the purpose of ensuring their safety, and in another he says that the account which he receives of his affairs in Ireland is very bad and what makes the condition of landlords like himself " the sadder is that there appears no possible remedy in prospect, at least none that they can hope will be apphed to their reUef."t

Of the death of Charles II., which fell upon his Court " unexpectedly and suddenly," Ormond's correspondents give some particulars. On the morning of the Tuesday before the King's death an express was sent to Ormond announcing the King's iUness, on the evening of that day a second express was despatched to inform him that the physicians thought the King " in a condition of safety," and on Friday evening a third express was sent to teU him of the King's death. J To the sayings of that monarch another is added in one of Ormond's letters, namely, that an excuse is "seldom without a little mixture of a lie."§ There are also several references to the marriage of the future Queen Anne to Prince George of Denmark. Its probability is mentioned in May, 1683, by Ormond, who says that " those that are resolved to like nothing of the Court, give out that it is a French match and contrived to carry on that interest." It was thought that the Princess's fortune would prove an irresistible attraction to the Prince, who is described by Ormond as a good soldier and a " brisk man."|| A letter from the Prince of Orange testifies to the value which he placed upon the friendship of the Duke of Ormond and his family,^ but the allusions to him in Ormond's letters have only reference to his part in foreign affairs. Of Ormond's connection with the Court as Lord Steward we are frequently reminded by long lists of the appointments to the household as well as by observations on the " Bedchamber Orders " and statements as to the