11 Dr.	rf MEMO Philip	>RIAA\ Graif

•V5

47. LAMARTINE'S HISTORY OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION Of 184: *8 & 50. JUNIUS'S LETTERS, with Notes, Additions, Essay, Index, &c. 6 vols. 19, 55, 60, 65, 71. VASARI'S LIVES OF THE MOST CELEBRATED PAINTER!

SCULPTORS, AND Ai?Ci-!!TECTS. Translated by MBS. FOSTES, with .Note

Complete iu 5 Vols., with Index.

BOHN'S CLASSICAL LIBEAEY.

DEMOSTHENES.

LONDON : It. CLAY, PKINTEK, BREAD STREET HILL.

THE

OLYNTHIAC

AND OTHER PUBLIC ORATIONS

DEMOSTHENES.

CHARLES RANN KENNEDY.

LONDON:

HENRY G. BOHN, YORK STREET, CO VENT GARDEN.

1852.

CONTENTS.

PREFACE i

CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT 20

ORATIONS : —

First Olynthiac 37

Second Olynthiac 45

Third Olynthiac 52

First Philippic 60

On the Peace 73

Second Philippic 81

On Halonnesus : 89

On the Chersonese 100

Third Philippic 115

Fourth Philippic 132

On the Letter 149

The Letter of Philip .156

On the Duties of the State 164

On the Navy Boards • 176

On the Liberty of the Rhodians . 189

For the Megalopolitans 204

On the Treaty with Alexander 217

APPENDICES : —

I. Olynthus 227

II. Athenian Money and Mines 251

III. The Thracian Chersonese 257

IY. The Property Tax 299

Y. The Trierarchy 304

741963

PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.

MY. principle aim in undertaking this work is to produce a readable version of Demosthenes, adhering to the original as closely as is consistent with the primary object. Brevity and simplicity of style, together with the choice of apt and forcible words, are the most essential elements of a good translation.

It is sometimes asked, and there seem to be various opinions on the question, whether a translation should be literal ? It depends, I say, upon the object which you pro- pose to accomplish. If you are composing a translation to be used in the Hamiltonian method of teaching, or as a mere help to the idle student against his day of examination, then you must be literal. And to perform such a task is not very difficult. But if you seek to accomplish a higher purpose, it is not to be done in this way : a work of another order becomes necessary.

The primary object of a good translation is, that it may be read with pleasure, or at least without difficulty, by your countrymen ; and secondary to this is the assisting of the student in his perusal of the original. It is true, that for both these purposes a certain degree of closeness is necessary : but the first of these cannot be attained by a literal version, on account of the varying idioms of languages ; whereas the second may be accomplished by a good readable version.

Nor does the matter rest here. I say that the classical student will derive much greater benefit from a readable ver- sion than he could from a literal. I speak of the real and self- improving student, not the cramming idler, nor yet the mere school-boy. Let us only see what his wants are.

VOL. I. B

11 PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.

Such a person, in studying a Greek author, is not to look to a translation for a perfect analysis of the construction of sentences. This he should find out independently, from those principles of grammar wherewith his mind has been long storing itself, from glossaries, notes and commentaries. A translation which undertook to solve all the student'-s gram- matical difficulties, would be nothing more than a long note ; having indeed its use, but not performing the service of a good translation.

The student, looking elsewhere for a thorough explanation of the syntax, may fairly consult the translator as an exponent of the true meaning of every sentence. And this is one piece of service which the translator renders him. But he has a right to look for much more than this ; viz. good English, choice words, and all the other elements of good writing; in short, the full sense of the original expressed in such a way as an Englishman would have expressed it himself, allowing for unavoidable discrepancies.

No man will deny the importance of these things. One of the objects of studying foreign languages is, to obtain a more perfect mastery over your own. And a translation, either in prose or verse, may in this respect be made a useful medium of instruction, testing the powers and capabilities of your own tongue in comparison with those of another. Lord Brougham very truly observes :

" Even to scholars the experiment is not without interest of trying how far the two languages can be used, so as to render in the «one the thoughts couched originally in the other ; and even to scholars the comparative trial of the structures of the two, their resemblances, their differences, and their contrasts, is very interesting."

To attain the advantage here proposed, it is manifest that the version must be thoroughly English; or there can be no comparison at all. But I must turn now to another view of the question.

While it is the translator's duty to produce (if possible) such a work as, placed side by side with the original, shall be

PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Ill

in point of style and composition not unworthy of it, he must be sure to preserve all needful accuracy in regard to the sense and meaning. The term itself implies that he must do this. A translation is different from an imitation.

He must adhere to the original. He must be accurate. But, how closely must he adhere? what degree of accuracy must he observe ? are questions that naturally occur, and can- not well be answered except practically, by examples. I will give just now some examples to illustrate my views; but will first endeavour, as far as I am able, to express my opinion in general words.

It is the business of the translator to express the full sense briefly, simply, forcibly; to add nothing, omit nothing ; never to amplify or exaggerate. He should not servilely imitate constructions, or follow the order of words, yet not depart even from them unnecessarily. The production of good Eng- lish he will regard as essential ; to this everything must give way but the sense of the author. Within the limits of these two conditions, faithful interpretation and good writing, he may turn and twist his sentences with a considerable degree of latitude and freedom. But these limits will always pre- serve him from unreasonable vagaries. While he does not affect to teach grammatical rules, they must be the guide to his own version, or he cannot translate faithfully, so that he will always afford a clue to the construction, and will never mislead.

To accomplish all this, not only must you be thoroughly familiar with the language which you translate, but you should have deeply studied your own, and even know several besides.

It is an essential condition of producing a good translation, that you should be able to produce a literal one. Only this is far from being all. There are hundreds of good scholars who are able to do this, but who are not competent to write well. And on the other hand, clever men and practised writers have failed in translation because they never took due pains to study the original language. Hence we have had so many

B2

IV PBEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.

bad translations from opposite causes. The literal translators necessarily fail, for want of a sufficiently high aim, a proper conception of their duty. The readable have been men who neglected or despised the niceties of scholastic learning. There are others also, from whose acquirements more might have been expected, who, carried away by the fervour of their imagination, or not liking the trouble of attending to words, have considered it sufficient to give the general meaning of an author, clothing it often in language which is purely their own.

To the class of loose translators belongs Leland. His ver- sion of Demosthenes is the best of the English, and has con- siderable merit. He appears also to have been a pretty good scholar, so that his faults are generally attributable rather to negligence than ignorance. I shall now proceed to show, by a few examples, what my views of proper translation are.

The following is from the Oration on the Crown; and I agree with Lord Brougham, that there is an unnecessary departure from the simplicity of the original : —

TOVTO TO \j;TJ(j)l(TliJLa TOV TOTE Trj TTo'Xet 7T£|Ot0TaVra KLV^VVOV

TrapeXdelv eTroirjffer wffirep VE<J)OQ.

Leland : By this decree that danger, which hung lowering over our state, was in an instant dissipated like a cloud.

So also this : OutT aV ac ravra tyyaeiev. Leland : No! Lei not the presumptuous assertion once be heard.

In the Oration on the Chersonese, Demosthenes says that Philip has beaten the Athenians, r<Z TrporspoQ trpog TOIQ Trpcty- JJ.CKTL •yiyveffdat, that is, by being before us in his operations, first at his worlc, first in the -field ; the last of which trans- lations, though it might serve, as being a smart idiomatical phrase, wants comprehensiveness. Leland has : Ms superior vigilance in improving all opportunities ; which is too vague. But here let me observe, I don't complain because his ver- sion does not show that the dative case is governed by the preposition, or on any ground of that kind. It was not his business to deal with a point of grammar, but to give a good translation. You might have it thus : by commencing his

PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. V

operations earlier. I object to Leland's version, because the meaning is too vaguely expressed.

In the same oration we have : Avo eV Ev/3o/p mreorjjo-e rvpdvrovc, TOV per dwavriKpv rrjfe 'AmKrfe £irtT£i')(icrag9 TOV ft eVt 2faa'0w, vpelg & ovde TCLVT aVeXvVafffo, el prj^ev aXXo f/3ou'Xe<T0e? a'AX' cta/care* ctye'orare £T?XOJ> ort auVw.

Leland : Euboea is commanded by his two tyrants ; the one, just opposite to Attica, to keep you perpetually in awe ; the other to Sciathus. Yet you have not attempted to oppose even this. No, you have submitted : you have been insensible to your wrongs.

In this passage there are six instances in which the trans- lator has needlessly departed from the original :

First, — the word his does not sufficiently express that Philip placed the tyrants in Euboea. Observe, I don't complain of the change of construction. He was perfectly at liberty to invert it, and say, two tyrants were placed by him in Euboea, had such inversion been required to make a neater sentence. The objection is, that the point of the matter is expressed too loosely.

Secondly, — -eTriTeL^iffac is not expressed fully enough.

Thirdly, — the word perpetually is not in Demosthenes.

Fourthly, — oppose is riot a correct version of cnreXvo-tto-fe.

Fifthly, — the words el prfev aXXo efiovXerrde are omitted.

Sixthly, — the last clause is an entire mistranslation.

Francis thus translates the passage : —

Philip hath established two kings in Euboea ; one at Ere- tria, which he hath fortified, opposite to the coast of Attica ; the other at Oreum, to awe your island of Sciathos. Nor have you asserted your own dignity by opposing these injuries, (since you seem unwilling to attempt any nobler design,) but even indolently suffered them ; apparently remitted to him your own proper rights.

Francis has committed the same error as Leland in the aVfXufrao-Oe, and has distinctly mistranslated the £7rirei\t(TaQ which Leland has only shirked. Philip did not fortify Eretria, but established in it the sway of Clitarchus, his own partisan,

VI PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.

and thus made him, and through him Eretria itself, a fortress against Attica ; that is, a rallying point, a point d'appui, for the enemies of Athens, from which they might at any time sally forth, as the Lacedaemonians did from Decelea, to attack and ravage the country. And so Jacobs has it : ah feindlichen Hort. Pabst : in drohender fester Stellung.

Francis has avoided some errors of Leland ; but, besides a too great verbosity, which is his constant fault, I must notice another, which is too frequently committed, viz. the insertion of explanatory words, the proper place for which is a note, and not the text. Here we have the words Eretria, Oreum, and our island, added to Demosthenes j and we might just as well have had the names of the tyrants, or any other historical fact introduced. The translation should be confined to the text.

A correct literal translation is : —

lie established two tyrants in Euboea, one opposite Attica, fixing him like a hostile fortress, the other against Sciathus; and you have not even got rid of these nuisances, if you would do nothing else : you have allowed them ; you have manifestly given way to him.

Here the word nuisances is not wantonly added, for it is contained in the ravra, and some such word is necessary to be introduced.

It may further be observed, that the literal translation of el fjirictv ct'XXo eftovXeade is hardly sufficient to convey to an English reader the exact meaning of the original, which, fully expressed, is : these nuisances, at least, you should have got rid of, though you would do nothing else ; yet you have never done so, &c. But this expansion would weaken the translation too much. Therefore, I adopt a turn of expression which in English is equivalent to the Greek form, as those who are familiar with the Greek form will understand : and I trans- late thus :

He established two tyrants in Euboea, one like a hostile fortress opposite Attica, one threatening Sciathus : and these nuisances you have never got rid of; not even this would you attempt : you have submitted ; left the road open to him clearly.

PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Vll

In the four preceding examples I cannot doubt that Leland understood the text of his author. He has translated him loosely from carelessness. And, it may be observed, that, while he has mistranslated Demosthenes, he has not departed from the general sense and meaning. But this is not always so : and persons addicted to very loose translating frequently wander from the argument as well as from the words. Take the next example from the Oration on the Chersonese :

'Hjuete ovre \prj fiara eiGfyepetv j3ov\6fj.eda, OVTE avrol .... vvTy cVei&prcp OVTWQ eloper, rci TJ^cYep

Which means : —

We are unwilling to pay contributions, or to perform military service, .... and yet, with such disposition, we are not con- tent to mind our own business.

That is ; the Athenians will neither take the proper means to carry on war, nor will they abstain from public business and Grecian politics. But Leland translates the last clause : Thus we proceed quite regardless of our interests : entirely mistaking the sense, which Auger puts clearly enough. Ainsi disposes, nous ne pouvons nous resoudre a ne nous meler que de ce qui nous regarde.

Having thus noticed a few errors on the side of excessive freedom, let me turn to those which are equally injurious, on the side of excessive accuracy ; whose tendency is, to degrade translation into a schoolboy exercise. I must again have recourse to examples.

Take the famous oath : —

Ma rovg Mapa0a»vi TrpoKLV^vvevcravTag TWV irpoyovuv.

By your ancestors who met the peril at Marathon.

A person who reviewed Lord Brougham's translation in the Times, insists that it should be translated thus : —

By those of your forefathers, who at Marathon were the first to encounter the brunt of danger.

And I equally insist, that the critic's translation is de- testable, as emasculating all the vigour of the clause. It is true that he expresses the genitive case more fully, and I

Vlll PEEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.

would require the schoolboy to do so in his lesson ; but that is a totally different affair. Here it is essential to have the fewest possible words, to preserve the spirit of the appeal, and something may be sacrificed for this purpose. My translation, however, is not incorrect : it does not exclude the partitive signification, but only leaves a trifling ambiguity, which de- ceives no man. But here are eight words for TrpoKivtivvtv- GCLVTCLQ, and the ?rpo virtually translated twice, by first and brunt. Over-accuracy always leads to verbiage.

Jacobs has : —

Bei den Ahnherrn schwor* ich, die zu Marathon kampften.

Shortly before the last passage we have : Et yap ravra Trpoeiro d/covtrt, Trept wv ov^tva KLV^VVOV ovnv ov% vVeyLteiyav

04 TTpOyOVOlj TIQ OV"^L Ka.T£7TTVff£V GLV (TOU.

Lord Brougham has : —

For if she had given up without a struggle .all that your forefathers encountered every danger to win, ivho but would have spurned you, JEschines ?

His reviewer has : —

For if voluntarily and without an obstinate struggle, those honours had been abandoned, for which our ancestors braved every danger, where is the man ivho would not have spit on you with loathing ?

Lord Brougham's is far the preferable version. In the other, the words voluntarily, obstinate, and with loathing, though intended to exhibit a wonderful accuracy, are utterly unwarranted. And as to KareVrvcrsv, which Lord Brougham is charged with frittering away, the critic needs to be in- formed, that metaphors cannot always be transferred from one tongue to another. It happens sometimes, that a meta- phorical expression, by frequent use, becomes familiar to the people of the country, but if literally translated into another language, it sounds harsh or strange to those who are not accustomed to it. I might call the critic a goose in English, but if I called him anser in Latin, the point would be lost. The phrase classi immittit habenas sounds ill, if literally ren- dered in English, though it has been so. We know that

y

"^ PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. X j IX

had become a common word of abuse at Athens, and, being such, is well enough represented by such a word as despicable. I do not, however, absolutely say, that the meta- phor here may not be preserved ; I only object to a criticism which assumes its positive necessity. But if perfect accuracy is insisted upon, why add the words with loathing ? Jacobs has the simple angespuckt.

I should prefer, in Lord Brougham's version, the substitu- tion of what for all that; and the omission of you before JEscliines. The introduction of the last word, instead of youy may be good, to escape too many monosyllables.

In the Oration on the Crown, we have : —

Kcu yap ardpa iSiq. mi TTO\IV Koivy irpoQ TO. taXXterra TUJV VKapyovTwv del del TretpaaSat -a Xonrd TrpaVreiv.

Lord Brougham and his critic both commit the error of attempting to translate i%ly and Koivrj literally ; the one hav- ing, individuals in their private concerns, and the state in public affairs ; and the other, a man individually, and a state collec- tively. The former of these is better in point of composition, the latter is closer to the original ; but they are both faulty, by making prominent that which in Greek is a mere flourish, and cannot be represented in our language. It is clear at once that the words individually and collectively add nothing to the sense in the above translation. It is a rhetorical antithesis not very unlike that of plv and £e, which is perpetually re- curring, and has an elegance and a usefulness about it, which we can seldom express. Sometimes, indeed, it happens, that Hev and £e may be represented by such expressions as, on the one hand, and on the other; but it is rare that they assume so much importance in the sentence.

Leland has avoided this puerility : —

By the most illustrious of their former actions it is, that private men or public bodies should model their succeeding conduct.

The only thing which I object to here is, public bodies, as being hardly dignified enough. Translate : —

For both individuals and communities should ever strive to model their future conduct by the noblest of their past.

X PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.

Is there anything here left unexpressed 1 That is the test of a faithful translation. Are not the words avdpa iSiq, Trpdrreiv fully enough represented by the words individuals their conduct ? Or what further is wanted ? It is no slight advan- tage, in my view, that the last translation is shorter than any other. Yet, brief as it is, it has one word more than the Greek, and this shows how important it is to struggle for brevity. The best versions in the world will exceed the Greek in num- ber of words, if they are faithful ; for obvious reasons. 'Arrjp is a man ; Trpdrrw, / do, or, / am doing ; Trparrfrw, let him do; ravra, these things; QiXiTTTrov troXepovvTOQ, Philip being at war, or, while Philip is at war. These and the like ex- pansions are inevitable ; but they make it the more necessary to aim at brevity, wherever it can be had, consistently with good writing. The translator must seize upon every compen- sation which he can lay hold of, to Attain this object ; though it may cost him ten times the trouble of the ordinary method. OvoeV aXXo rj xXevafft vpaQ, he only mocks you. Don't trans- late it, he does nothing else but mock you, though this be the literal translation ; because, by so doing, you lose an advan- tage, which your own language here affords, as a set-off against many disadvantages. The literal version entails upon you the extra word does, from which you escape by using the idiomatical turn. This may seem very simple ; but I find by experience, that from inattention to such simple matters hardly any translation in our language is what it ought to be.

"Eon yap 'e^iv Kctl raXXorpta. (Orat. de Halonneso.)

Translate : For it is possible to hold the property of others; or, if you please, with Leland : For a man may possess the property of others.

The sentence expressed at full is : For it is possible to hold the property of others, as well as your own.

The last five words demonstrate the meaning of icai. Why do I omit them1? Because that full demonstration is pur- chased at the price of too much verbiage ; and the idea is sufficiently expressed without it, if you read the sentence properly, laying the emphasis where you ought. The trans-

PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION". XI

lator, using that reserve which good - taste requires, relies on the intelligence of the judicious reader. And with this reliance, I don't think it necessary to put any words in italics.

The German translators, Jacobs and Pabst, express the KOL by aucli. But in English neither also nor even, nor anything short of a paraphrase can fairly represent it. Auger has, Car on pent avoir le bien d'autrui. If I am asked why I do not adopt the turn of Leland or Auger, who are both shorter than I am, my answer is, that I wish to avoid the ambiguity of their sentences, which might be construed as importing that it was lawful to have the property of others ; and an emphatic word like possible is better than may or can.

Here a ^p) Trpajerej eVetoaj/ ri yeVrjrat j (First Philippic.)

Literally : When will you do what is necessary ? When what has happened ?

Better : When ivill you perform your duty ? In what event ?

Where Demosthenes urges the Athenians avrovg e£terai, I often translate it, to serve in person; because the literal expression is inadequate : and to march out yourselves gives but half the sense, as it refers to naval expeditions as well as land services.

QVT el pi pire yevoijj.rii', I neither am, nor wish to be.

AmreXw 'e-^v. I have ever had is sufficient, without adding and still continue to have : for this makes too many words.

'E/c/^e^ TTT&XWI' TrXovGioi yeyovcLGiv , EK c)' d^6^d)v errijjLOL.

From poor have become wealthy., from obscure honourable. But it is a little better to say : Have risen from poverty to wealth, from obscurity to honour.

Milton has imitated the Greek construction : —

How earnest thou speakable of mute ? And in poetry I like it, but it does not suit so well in prose.

Tac tvQvvaQ iTreffrjfjLaiveaOe. You, passed my audit, or you approved my account. But not, as more than one translator has it, you passed and approved my accounts.

I notice this once for all, in order to condemn the practice,

Xll PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.

common with some translators, of putting two words for one. This they do, either because they doubt which is the better word, and think, if they have both, they must be right ; or because neither word seems sufficient of itself, and they are anxious to convey every tittle of the sense. But it is better to exercise a little reserve, than to indulge this rage for accuracy.

It frequently happens that a turn or paraphrase is not only allowable, but absolutely necessary ; as in the following ex- ample from the Oration on the Crown : —

Ov yap SI'ITTOV KTrjcrKJMJJVTa JJLEV Ivvarai ^LLJKEIV Si* ejjLe, E/JLE Be9 EiTTEp £t;€Xey£etJ' eVo/zi£ev, avrov OVK av cypai^aro.

In this passage, which all the English versions that I have seen mistranslate, it is only necessary to see that the first negative governs both clauses, and nothing is more simple. But if we translate the words without a little management, they make nonsense ; as thus : —

For surely lie cannot prosecute jEschines on my account, and would not have indicted me myself } had he thought he should convict me.

That is wrong, because, though the Greek ov may apply to both clauses, the English cannot is prevented from doing so by the change of tense. Otherwise it might have been lite- rally rendered, as in the following : — Ov')(, rj cru Kvi%£i, aov Kaivfjg CE vuntyrjQ IpEpu

Not disliking your person and smitten with passion for

the new bride.

Here I must give the sense by a turn: —

Surely it cannot be, that he is able to prosecute JEscliines on my account, and would not have indicted me myself, had he thought he could convict me.

But a little further deviation from the original form gives a more effective translation : —

Surely, if he can prosecute Otesiphon on my account, he would not have forborne to indict me myself, had he thought he could convict me.

PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. Xlll

Auger saw the meaning : —

On ne dira pas sans doute qitun homme, qui pent bien & cause de moi accuser Ctesiphon, ne mleut pas accuse moi-meme, s'il cut cru pouvoir me convaincre.

Jacobs is a little too wide : —

Denn Jcann er den Ctesiphon gerichtlich verfolgen um mein- etwillen, so Iconnte er auch mich selbst anklagen, wenn er den Beweis gegen mich zufuhren hoffte.

Pabst is better. But all the English translators whom I have seen are entirely wrong. They seem to have followed Taylor. Leland's and Spillan's I subjoin : —

Leland : He cannot pursue Ctesiphon on my account ; and that he hath not directed his impeachment against me, can pro- ceed ^but from a consciousness thatjsuch impeachment could not be supported.

Spillan : For he cannot prosecute Ctesiphon through me, but if he thought he could convict me, he would not have impeached Mm.

One more example, and I have done. We have at the beginning of the first Olynthiac : —

"Ore Toivvv rov0' OVTWQ e'x6tJ TrpocrtiKei TrpodvpWQ edeXe T<J)V fiovXofjLevwv ffvufiovXeveiv* ov yap p.6vov el TL

TJ-KEI Tig, rovr ay aKOvtravTeg Xa/3otre, a'XXa uat TTJQ V")(r)g v7roXaju/3avw TroXXa rHJv ^tovruv SK rov Trapct- li'iotQ av eVeXQetv ftTTfTv.

The literal translation is : —

Since therefore this is the case, you should be willing cheer- fully to hear those who desire to advise you. For then, not only, when men have come prepared with useful counsel, will you hear and receive it, but I consider it also part of your good fortune, that it will occur to some persons to offer many fit -suggestions at the moment.

In the last clause there is a change of construction, or a slight ellipse. The argument runs thus : —

Not only luill you get useful counsel which men have pre- pared beforehand, but much more; for I consider, &c.

First, to improve the baldness of the literal translation,

PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.

av Xafioire. may be thrown into an English form thus : you, will have the benefit of hearing.

Secondly, YJKEL admits of a turn. It refers to the orator who has come to the assembly, a matter of common reference with Demosthenes. And the word is so placed in the sentence as to have no emphasis of importance. 'EffKeppevog TJKEL TLQ is little more than eaKeTrrai TLQ, or ecrKeppevoi elffiv oi Xeyorreg. Just as we often translate 6 Trapiuv the orator, without deem- ing it necessary to say the person who comes forward on the hustings; so we may deal with rjKei in this place.

Thirdly, a turn may be found for the eVtoic av eVeXOeiv, &c. and we may amend the translation thus : —

So shall you have the benefit of hearing not only sucJi counsel as your orators have devised beforehand, but more than this; for I esteem it part of your good fortune, that many useful suggestions will occur to some speakers at the moment. Or it may thus be shortened : —

So shall you have the benefit of all counsel, whether precon- sidered or not; for, &c.

The best turn is given by Auger: —

Outre que vous pouvez profiler des reflexions sages qiCun orateur apporte ft, la Tribune, vous etes encore assez heureux pour qidl vienne sur le champ a quelques-uns des avis utiles. And this I adopt. But it may be well to compare this with other translations. Francis has : —

In this disposition therefore you ought to hear with a favour- able attention whoever is willing to propose his advice. Not only should you hear the salutary scheme which hath been formed and matured by reflection, but I deem it an instance of your good fortune, that some of your orators are capable of conceiv- ing upon the instant such expedients as may be useful to the public.

Here we see that Francis, by mistranslating Xa/3otre av, departs from the logic of the orator, which is this — You should be willing to hear all men, for thus you will not miss any good counsel. Whereas Francis makes the second clause

PEEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. XV

a repetition of the injunction, as if XctjGotre aV signified yon ought to receive.

And Leland is in this respect little better : — It is your part therefore readily and cheerfully to attend to all who are disposed to offer their opinions. For your regards need not to be confined to those whose counsels are the effect oj premeditation; it is your good fortune to have men among you who can at once suggest many points of moment. Jacobs gives the argument correctly : — Denn nicht bios, was Einer nach vorlaufiger Ueberlegung hier Nutzliches vortrdgt, werdet Ihr anhoren und zu Herzen nehmen.

I only object to zu Herzen nehmen, as being a little too strong for \a/3oiT£. He passes over the rjicet as I do.

An anonymous German version lying before me commits the error of Francis : —

Denn nicht bios das, was Einer nach vorhergegangener Ueberlegung Nutzliches hier vorbringt, musst Ihn anhoren und erfassen.

So does Pabst : —

Ihr miisset nehmlich nicht bios es anhoren und ergreifen wenn jemand vorbereitet auftritt, um etwas Nutzliches vorzu- bringen.

I may seem to have been a long time in discussing a question upon a few words. But my object is to show how translation should be conducted, what are the difficulties attending it, and how they are to be overcome. The literal version is but the first stage of the process, though it is the stumbling-block with ill-taught scholars. Having analysed your sentence, and made yourself perfect master of its con- struction and meaning, the next thing is to translate it. And this part of the affair is the principal difficulty, requiring a great command of your own language, and the exercise of much thought and discretion. Nor am I induced to say this only by observing the failures of others, but from the consciousness of my own deficiencies, and the conviction that I have fallen very far short of my own aims and endeavours.

XVI PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION.

I now come to another question, which is of some import- ance in translating Demosthenes, viz. how the translator is to deal with all the public and political nomenclature of the Athenians, the civil and military titles, names of offices and institutions, terms of law and jurisprudence. On this subject I am not disposed in the least to depart from the principle which I adopted many years ago, when I made my first essay on Demosthenes, and which I stated thus : —

" As a general rule, I think it better to translate into English than to Anglicize the Greek. Thus I say jury, parish, indictment, in preference to dicast, deme, graphe. It is true that in each of these cases the word but imperfectly describes the thing intended ; for instance, the proceedings upon our indictment are very different from those of the Athenian pro- secution so described. But, on the other hand, the vernacular term conveys the idea more pleasingly to the common reader ; and be it remembered, a translation is more for the use of the unlearned than of the learned. I strive therefore to be as little as possible un-English ; and while I always seek for the word which corresponds most nearly with the original, I am satisfied if it corresponds in some essential points."

I adhere to the above as the true principle of translation. Only with respect to the word Sfjpoe, I am now more inclined to adopt the version of toivnship, which Mr. Whiston has used in the Archeeological Dictionary.

The critic of Lord Brougham, whom I have before men- tioned, and who may be taken to represent a certain class of scholars, strongly censures his lordship for attempting to con- vert the logistse, liturgies, liturgi, &c., into English. And yet the same person insists that ypatyiti shall be an indictment, and £icrayyeX/a an impeachment; in which he is right, but that is inconsistent with his general condemnation of Lord Brougham's plan.

That indeed it is impossible fully to carry out the opposite system, is manifest. For how would you translate lypd^aro pe % He brought a graphe against me ! But who could tolerate this?

PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. XV11

You must introduce into your text a heap of monstrosities, to please the ear of the pedant, and disgust every other. Graphe, deme, psephism, dicast, agora, bema, liturgy, phyle, dice, ecclesia, symmory, chorege, logist, euihyne, stratege, hoplite, metis, cleruckian, hegemony, bule, deter, lexiarchic, ecmartyry, anacrisis, hypomosy, &c.

Nothing is easier than to do this. You have only to abdi- cate the functions of the translator, and save yourself some thought and trouble.

But as to the logic of the matter, it is true, that for many of these ancient terms it is not possible to find a perfectly apposite translation. But it does not follow that you are not to translate at all.

The @ov\rj of five hundred at Athens was very differently constituted from any English senate or council. But it may be translated by either of those words, because there is enough of similarity for that purpose.

Nor needs a court of justice to be called a dicastery, (or, as Mr. Grote will have it, a dikastery,) because there is a differ- ence in the mode of legal procedure at Athens and in England. All this is sheer pedantry !

Judicial tribunals and deliberative bodies are things of universal existence. A court, a judge or juror, a council, a member or president of that council, may just as well be found at Athens as at Rome, or in London.

Shall I refuse to translate ravg, a ship, because Attic triremes and pentecontors are different from English steam- boats and men-of-war ? Or shall I insist on calling a Roman sword a gladius, because it was different from our own 1 Do we make no attempt to translate buris, temo, dentale, stiva, because Virgil's plough would not suit a modern agricul- turist 1 The pedant would give his own pupil a sound whip- ping if he brought any such excuse.

Srpar?7ydg is commonly translated general. Yet the func- tions of the Athenian 2r/)ttr/?yoe are far from corresponding perfectly with those of a modern general. For, besides that he had various civil duties to perform, both as an adminis-

VOL. i. c

XV111 PREFACE TO THE TRANSLATION".

trative and judicial functionary, he was an admiral as well as general, there being no such distinction between the two ser- vices as we have in England. But I am content with the translation of general for all that.

In short, in the translation of many common words we are compelled by the difference of times and circumstances to be guilty of some inaccuracy. For example, TrXely is rendered to sail, in many cases where not sails but only oars impelled the ship ; and it is commonly preferred to the word navigate, as being of more ordinary use. 'iTTTmc is rendered "knights, though our word conveys a somewhat different idea. Charta and papyrus are called paper, though the material was dif- ferent from ours. The meals, the articles of dress of the Greeks and Romans, do not correspond with ours ; but we make the best of it, and translate them. If I call the Roman lectus, a couch, I do not present an idea of its form, or of the mode in which Roman gufests were placed at table. You must go to the dictionary of antiquities, or to some commen- tary, for an explanation of that. So, if I translate Xetrovpy/a, a public office, service, or duty, I do not exhibit the peculiar nature of the service ; yet I give a positive translation of the word, which is good as far as it goes.

But I grant there is some discretion to be observed. We must look also to the other side of the question. There are some terms entirely untranslateable. Archon cannot be con- verted into English any more than consul. I do not reduce the Attic money to English, which would cause confusion ; and for the same reason I do not imitate Leland in adopting the names of the Roman months. Further, I would eschew all fanciful similarities, all undignified expressions. I would not call any ancient vehicle a hackney-coach or a cabriolet, nor any ancient functionary a Lord Mayor. Nor do I approve of Francis converting ra|/ap^ot and <f>v\ap"%ot into colonels and aids-de-camp. There is some truth in what Olivet says of the use of such terms, that to put them in the mouth of Demosthenes is like painting Alexander or Cessar in a peruke or an embroidered coat.

PKEFACE TO THE TRANSLATION. XIX

I agree also with what Pope says with respect to a transla- tion of Homer : —

" The use of modern terms of war and government, such as platoon, campaign, junto, or the like, into which some trans- lators have fallen, cannot be allowable ; those only excepted, without which it is impossible to treat the subjects in any living language."

I have observed a similar rule in the translation of Virgil. But I must remark, that prose and poetry stand on a some- what different footing. Archaisms are often allowable and good in poetry, to give it (as Pope says) a venerable cast ; and, on the other hand, many modern words are fit for prose, which would not be suitable for poetry — as campaign.

In all these things taste and judgment are required. You must take care that your translations are as apposite as pos- sible ; and when you resort to words which can give but an imperfect idea of the original, select only such as are digni- fied, simple, significant, having rather a general and perma- nent, than a local or ephemeral character. I see, for example, no objection to words such as the following : —

Prince, general, captain, officer, commissioner, deputy, pre- sident, clerk, secretary, assessor, treasure?; paymaster, collector, board, rate, property-tax, register, audit, tribe, township, assembly, chairman, bill, decree, motion, resolution, statute, ad- vocate, jury, summons, action, indictment, plea, verdict, damages, fine, information, arbitrator, award, mortgage, trespass,

But I will detain the reader no longer. I wish I were -as sure that I had carried out my principles well, as I am that the principles themselves are sound.

c"2

CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT

EVENTS DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES.

B.C.

385 Demosthenes is born.

This was just nineteen years after the termination of the Pelopon- nesian war. Greece was reposing under the peace of Antalcidas, and the power of Sparta had reached its height. 883 Philip of Macedon is born.

His father, Amyntas II., has disputes with the Olynthians con- cerning their encroachment on his territories, and applies to Sparta for aid.

Apollonia and Acanthus, two of the Chalcidian cities, send an em- bassy to Sparta for the same purpose.

Sparta declares war against Olynthus, and sends a force under

Eudamidas which takes possession of Potidsea.

382 Phcebidas, sent from Sparta to reinforce Eudamidas, stops on his road at Thebes, and seizes the Cadmea, in which he places a Lacedaemonian garrison. An oligarchical government is esta- blished at Thebes, at the head of which are Archias and Leon- tiades, devoted to Sparta. A multitude of Theban exiles fly to Athens ; among them Pelopidas.

Teleutias, brother of Agesilaus, is sent with a larger force against Olynthus; is joined by a Theban contingent, by Amyntas, and Derdas prince of Elymia.

The Spartans require Athens to dismiss the Theban exiles. Athens refuses.

Teleutias defeats the Olynthians in a battle near the city, and

shuts them in their walls.

381 Teleutias is defeated by the Olynthians, and slain. 380 Agesipolis, one of the kings, is sent with reinforcements from Sparta ; takes Torone, and dies of a fever. Polybiades succeeds to the command, and besieges Olynthus.

379 The Olynthians sue for peace, and submit to join the Peloponnesian confederacy.

Pelopidas and his associates return to Thebes, where, having slain Archias and Leontiades, they are joined by their countrymen, and attack the Spartan garrison. A body of Athenian volunteers come to their assistance, and the garrison capitulates.

CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT,' OF0 EVES.TS. 21

B.C.

378 Demosthenes loses his father, and is placed under the care of three guardians.

The Spartans send their king Cleombrotus into Boeotia.

Chabrias, with an Athenian force, occupies the pass at Eleutherse ; Cleombrotus enters by another road, and having dispersed a Theban force at Plateea, takes possession of Thespiae, where he leaves Sphodrias, with a part of his army, and then returns to Peloponnesus.

The Athenians, alarmed at the Spartan invasion, condemn their generals who had aided in the recovery of the Cadmea.

Sphodrias marches against Athens, to surprise the Piraeus; ad- vances as far as the Thriasian plain, and retreats, after^ plunder- ing the country.

The Athenians prepare for war with Sparta; strengthen the Piraeus 5 increase their fleet, and make alliance with Thebes.

Chios, Byzantium, Khodes, and Mitylene revolt from Sparta, and renew their confederacy with Athens.

Sphodrias is recalled, and Agesiiaus sent with a large Pelopon- nesian army into Bceotia. He ravages the Theban territory, but having encountered an Athenian and Theban force, commanded by Chabrias and Gorgidas, is repulsed, and returns home, leaving Phoebidas in command at Thespise.

Phoabidas, after gaining partial success against Gorgidas, is de- feated and slain.

377 Agesiiaus again invades Boeotia ; is joined by a force of Olynthian cavalry, gains some advantage over the Thebans, and, after strengthening the oligarchical party at Thespiae, crosses over to Megara, where he falls ill.

The Sacred Band, consisting of three hundred men, is established at Thebes.

Acoris, king of Egypt, at war with Persia, engages the services of Chabrias, who, on complaint made by Artaxerxes, is recalled by the Athenians, and Iphicrates sent to assist the satrap Pharna- bazus.

376 Cleombrotus is sent into Boeotia, where he is repulsed by the- Athenians and Thebans, and returns home.

A Peloponnesian fleet is sent out under the command of Pollis, to intercept the corn-ships bound for Athens. Chabrias totally de- feats this fleet at JSTaxos.

Athens regains her ascendancy in the JEgean sea, and many of the islands return under her protection.

Timotheus sails with a fleet to Corcyra, which renews her alliance with Athens.

Jason of Pherae establishes his power or influence over most of the

towns of Thessaly.

375 Timotheus is successful against the Peloponnesians in the Ionian sea.

Pelopidas fails in an attempt to surprise Orehomenos, is attacked on his retreat by a superior force of Spartans at-Tegyra. The Spartans are put to the rout, and their generals slain.

.CilROXG LOGICAL ABSTEACT OF EVENTS

374 The Thebans send an army into Phocis, which is in alliance with Sparta. Cleombrotus crosses the Gulf of Corinth, to the assist- ance of the Phocians, and forces the Thebans to retreat.

The Athenians attempt to make peace with Sparta, but this is interrupted by a dispute concerning some Zacynthian exiles restored by Timotheus. A Peloponnesian fleet under Mnasippus is sent to recover Corcyra. The Athenians determine to relieve it, and despatch Timotheus with a fleet from Athens, who is forced for want of supplies to cruise about the ^Egean isles and the coast of Macedonia and Thrace.

Pharnabazus and Iphicrates invade Egypt, which, after partial suc- cess, they are compelled to evacuate. Iphicrates quarrels with Pharnabazus, and .returns to Athens.

373 Mnasippus lands in Corcyra, and blockades the city, but is routed in a sally, and retires with his fleet to Leucas.

Timotheus is recalled to Athens, and brought to trial, but ac- quitted. Iphicrates, Callistratus, and Chabrias, succeed to the command.

The Athenians sail to Corcyra, and capture a Syracusan fleet sent to the aid of Mnasippus. Cephallenia is brought over to the Athenian alliance.

The Thebans surprise Platsea, and raze the city to the ground. The inhabitants, allowed to depart, take refuge in Athens, and are admitted to the privileges of citizens.

Thespise is taken, and shares the same fate.

372 Iphicrates crosses to Acarnania, and carries on the war against the Peloponnesians with various success; is preparing to invade Laconia.

371 The Athenians send ambassadors to Sparta, to conclude peace. The Thebans, invited to join in the embassy, send Epaminondas.

Peace is made between the Peloponnesians and the Athenian con- federacy. Epaminondas refuses to concur in the treaty on behalf of Thebes, because she was required to acknowledge the independ- ence of the Boeotian towns.

Cleombrotus is ordered to march from Phocis into Boeotia ; en- counters the Thebans under Epaminondas at Leuctra, is totally defeated and slain.

Jason of Pherae arrives at Leuctra after the battle. By his medi- ation an armistice is effected, and the Lacedaemonian army retreats into Peloponnesus.

A congress is held at Athens, and attended by most of the Pelo- ponnesian states, who resolve to maintain the independence declared by the peace of Antalcidas.

The Mantineans rebuild their city, which had been dismantled by the Lacedaemonians.

A democratical movement takes place in Peloponnesus.

The Arcadians, encouraged by Epaminondas, resolve to build a new city, to become the seat of a federal government, to be called Megalopolis. Pammenes is sent with a small Theban force into Arcadia.

DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 23

B.C.

371 Tegea and Orchomenos, under the influence of Sparta and aristo- cratical institutions, oppose the Arcadian union. The Tegeans are defeated, and their city taken. Sparta declares war. 370 Amyntas II. dies, leaving three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip. Alexander ascends the throne.

Jason of Pherae announces his intention of marching to Delphi and presiding over the Pythian games. He collects a large army, and excites alarm; but is murdered a short time before the festival. His brothers Polydorus and Polyphron succeed him.

Agesilaus marches to Mantinea, ravages the country, and returns to Sparta.

The Thebans prepare to invade Peloponnesus ; collect troops from Phocis, Locris, Thessaly, and various states of northern Greece.

Iphicrates is sent with an Athenian squadron to Macedonia, where he was encouraged by Amyntas to try for the recovery of Am- phipolis, but returns without success.

369 Pelopidas and Epaminondas lead the Theban army to Mantinea ; are joined by the Arcadians, Eleans, and Argives, and invade Laconia. The Spartans are unable to oppose them in the field, but, reinforced by a small body of Peloponnesian auxiliaries, prepare to defend the capital. The Thebans, after ravaging the country, approach Sparta, are repulsed in a skirmish, and retire.

The Theban army enters Messenia, to accomplish the project of Epaminondas for the building of a new city, and the separation, of that province from Laconia. The building is rapidly carried on under Theban protection. The city is called Messene, and peopled by the Messenian insurgents, with a multitude of exiles and revolted Helots. Epaminondas, leaving a garrison there, prepares for his return to Thebes.

The Lacedaemonians send an embassy to Athens, to implore her assistance, which is granted, and Iphicrates is sent with an army to Peloponnesus.

Polyphron of Pheraa, having survived Polydorus, is murdered by his nephew Alexander, who assumes the office of Tagus, and oppresses the Thessalian towns. The Aleuadse of Larissa in- voke the aid of Alexander, king of Macedon, who marches to

. their relief, and puts a garrison in Larissa and Cranon : but he is hastily recalled to Macedonia, in consequence of intrigues against him by his mother Eurydice and her paramour Ptolemy.

Iphicrates stations himself at the Isthmus of Corinth, to oppose Epaminondas, who passes by a different road, repulsing the Athenian cavalry.

368 The Thessalians apply to Thebes for aid against Alexander of Pheraa. Pelopidas is sent into Thessaly, while Epaminondas marches for the second time to invade Peloponnesus.

Dionysius of Syracuse sends a body of Celts and Iberians to the aid of Sparta.

The Spartans send an army to the Isthmus, and are joined by the Corinthians and Athenians under Chabrias. Epaminondas forces

24 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS

B.C.

368 • their lines, and effects a junction with his allies ; after a short and unimportant campaign he makes an attempt on Corinth, is repulsed by Chabrias, and returns home.

Alexander of Macedon is murdered, and Ptolemy assumes the regency.

The Arcadians carry on the war with success in the absence of Epaminondas.

Pelopidas, having marched to Larissa, and restored tranquillity, is invited into Macedonia, to compose the disputes in the royal family. He forces Ptolemy to give security for preserving the kingdom to the heirs of Amyntas ; takes hostages from him, and receives the young Philip into his charge. Philip is taken to Thebes, where he resides for several years.

The satrap Ariobarzanes makes an ineffectual attempt for the paci- fication of Greece.

Alexander of Pherae raises new disturbances. Pelopidas, sent on an embassy to Thessaly, is seized by him and thrown into prison. Alexander obtains the assistance of Athens, and defeats a body of Thebans who are sent against him, among whom Epaminon- das, in temporary disgrace for the ill-success of his last cam- paign, was serving as a private soldier.

The Thebans destroy Orchomenos in Boeotia.

367 Iphicrates sails with an armament to the coast of Macedonia, for the purpose of recovering Amphipolis ; is invited by Ptolemy and Eurydice to assist them against Pausanias, who aspired to the throne. He expels Pausanias, but is unable to reduce Amphipo- lis, which is supported by the Olynthians.

Epaminondas marches again into Thessaly, and effects the release of Pelopidas.

Archidamus, commanding the troops of Lacedsemon, Athens, and Corinth, with Syracusan auxiliaries, gains a great victory over the Arcadians and Argives on the borders of Laconia.

Pelopidas is sent on an embassy to Susa, and obtains the Persian king's sanction for the projects of the Thebans. On his return a congress is held at Thebes, and attended by the king's deputy, but the Greek states refuse to accept the dictation of Persia. 366 Demosthenes comes of age, and brings an action against his guardians for mal-administration of his estate, in which he ob- tains a verdict.

Iphicrates, with Charidemus of Oreus, sails to attack Amphipolis, but is opposed by Ptolemy and the Olynthians.

Epaminondas marches into Achaia, but without much success. Of the Achaean states Sicyon only is secured to the Theban alliance.

Themison of Eretria surprises Oropus. The Athenians send Chares to recover it, but the city is put in possession of the Thebans.

Athens makes a separate peace with the Arcadians. 365 Corinth and the Achseans make peace with Thebes.

Elis and Arcadia go to war, contending for the Triphylian towns.

DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 25

B.C.

365 Ptolemy is slain by Perdiccas III. who ascends the throne of Macedon.

The Amphipolitans negotiate with Iphicrates for the surrender of their town, and give him hostages; but he, being recalled to Athens, delivers the hostages to Charidemus, who goes off into the service of Cotys, king of Thrace, and sends back the hostages to Amphipolis. 364 Sparta assists Elis against the Arcadians, who defeat Archidamus.

The Arcadians invade Elis, and attempt to exclude the Eleans from the presidency of the Olympic games. The battle of Olympia is fought, in which the Arcadians and Argives are defeated by the troops of Elis and Achaia.

Callisthenes commands the Athenian fleet on the Macedonian coast, and makes war against Perdiccas, but agrees to an armis- tice. He is superseded by Timotheus, who takes Torone and Potidaea.

The Thebans are again invited into Thessaly, to give assistance against Alexander of Pherae. Pelopidas goes with a small troop to Pharsalus, where he collects an army of Thessalians. Alex- ander is defeated in the battle of Cynoscephalas, but Pelopidas is slain. Peace is made between Thebes and Alexander. 363 Dissensions arise between Mantinea and the other Arcadians. It is proposed to make peace with Elis and Sparta. The Thebans prepare for another invasion of Peloponnesus. The Mantineans ally themselves to Sparta.

Timotheus takes Pydna and Methone.

The Thebans send a fleet to Byzantium, to detach it from the Athenian alliance. Laches is sent to oppose it, but without effect.

Alexander of Pheraa sends out a squadron to infest and plunder the small JEgean islands, and lays siege to Peparethus. The Athenians having sent Leosthenes against him, he sails to Attica, takes several Athenian ships, and plunders the Piraeus. 362 Epaminondas leads his army into Peloponnesus, and, joined by his Arcadian allies, assaults Sparta, but is repulsed.

The Athenians send a force of six thousand men to the assistance of the Spartans. They march to Mantinea.

Epammondas, retreating from Laconia, marches to attack Man- tinea. His cavalry are defeated by the Athenians, who sally from the town.

Agesilaus marches with his army to join the Athenians and Man- tineans. Epaminondas advances to attack them, and the battle of Mantinea is fought, one of the most celebrated in Grecian history. On the one side are Boeotians, Thessalians, Eubreans, Locrians, and other northern allies, together with troops of Sicyon, Argos, Arcadia, and Messenia, to the number of thirty- three thousand. On the other, Lacedaemonians, Athenians, Mantineans, and troops of Elis and Achaia ; considerably less in number. After an obstinate resistance, Epaminondas breaks the centre of the enemy, but is slain in the moment of victory.

-6 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS

SC2 A general peace follows, but the Spartans alone refuse to acknow- ledge the independence of Messenia.

Timotheus, assisted by the satrap Ariobarzanes, takes Sestus, Cri~ thote, and Elseus, in the Thracian Chersonese ; and afterwards lays siege to Samos.

The satraps revolt from the king of Persia. They are promised assistance by Tachos, king of Egypt, Mausolus, king of Caria, and most of the maritime parts of the empire.

Miltocythes rebels against Cotys, king of Thrace, and engages the Athenians to assist him, by promising to cede to them the Cher- sonese. Cotys amuses the Athenians by negotiation, and over- comes Miltocythes. 361 Samos capitulates after a siege of eleven months.

Orontes betrays the conspirators to Artaxerxes. Datames, satrap of Cappadocia, is murdered. Tachos, preparing to make war against Persia, engages Agesilaus to command his army, and Chabrias for his admiral.

Agesilaus is sent with a thousand Spartans to Egypt, but quarrels with Tachos, and transfers his services to Nectanabis, to whom the Egyptian army revolts. Tachos flies to Persia, and Agesilaus establishes Nectanabis in the dominion of Egypt.

Artaxerxes Mnemon; dies, and his son, Artaxerxes Ochus, ascends

the throne of Persia.

360 Timotheus and Charidemus attack Amphipolis, which receives suc- cour from Macedonia and Olynthus, and the Athenians are defeated.

Cotys marches into the Chersonese, and gets possession of Sestus.

Agesilaus dies on his return from Egypt.

Pammenes is sent with Theban troops to quell disturbances in Arcadia ; establishes the preponderance of Megalopolis.

Artaxerxes makes an attempt to reconquer Egypt, which fails. 359 Perdiccas is slain in a battle with the Illyrians, leaving an infant son, Arnyntas. Philip ascends the throne of Macedon

At this time the Illyrians are preparing for a new invasion, the Pifionians make an irruption from the north, and there are two pretenders to the crown — Pausanias, assisted by Cotys, and Argseus, supported by the Athenians.

Philip accommodates matters with Cotys, and marches against Argseus, whom he defeats. He returns the Athenian prisoners without ransom, and makes peace with Athens. He then re- duces the Pagonians to submission, and invades Illyria. Bardylis, the Illyrian prince, is defeated in a great battle, and a portion of his dominions is ceded to Macedonia.

358 Cotys, assisted by Charidemus, lays siege to Crithote and Elaeus. but soon after is murdered, leaving three sons, Amadocus, Beri- sades, and Cersobleptes, among whom the dominions of Cotys are divided.

Charidemus takes Cersobleptes under his protection, and defeats the Athenian force.

Miltocythes again raising disturbances, is taken prisoner by Chari- demus, who sends him to Cardia, where he is put to death.

DURING THE LIFE OP DEMOSTHENES. 27

B.C.

353 Philip lays siege to Amphipolis.

The Olynthians send an embassy to Athens, to negotiate an alliance, which is prevented by the intrigues of Philip. He conciliates the Olynthians by the cession of Anthemus, and soon afterwards obtains possession of Amphipolis. He then marches to Pydna, which is surrendered to him.

Alexander of Pherse is murdered. Tisiphonus and his brothei

Lycophron get the command.

357 Berisades and Amadocus combine against Cersobleptes, and aie assisted by Athenodorus, the Athenian general. Cersobleptes is forced to enter into a convention, by which the kingdom is equally divided, and the Chersonese ceded to Athens, with the exception of Cardia.

The Athenians quarrel with Philip about Amphipolis. He makes an alliance with the Olynthians.

The Thebans send an army into Euboea, from which, after much fighting, they are expelled by the Athenians.

Chares is sent to take possession of the Chersonese, which, after some opposition from Charidemus, he effects.

The Social War breaks out, in which Byzantium, Chios, Cos, and Rhodes revolt from the Athenian league. The Athenians attack Chios, and are defeated ; Chabrias is slain.

The Phocians send succour to some of the Boeotian towns, attempt- ting to revolt from Thebes. The Thebans procure an Amphic- tyonic decree against the Phocians for having cultivated a portion of the consecrated plain near Delphi. This was the origin of the Sacred War.

356 Philip takes Potidoaa, with the assistance of the Olynthians, and gives it up to them.

Alexander is born.

Parmenio, Philip's general, gains a victory over the Illyrians.

Philip takes the mine district of the Pangaeus from the Thasians, and establishes a new colony at Crenides, which he names Philippi.

The Athenians besiege Byzantium, but the siege is raised by the fleet of the allies. Chares, Timotheus and Iphicrates command the Athenian forces, but the two latter are recalled on the com- plaint of Chares.

The allies ravage Lemnos, Imbrus, and Samos, and levy contribu- tions in the JSgean.

Chares, for want of supplies, lends assistance to Artabazus against the Persian satraps.

Philomelus, the Phocian general, takes possession of Delphi, and defeats the Locrians of Amphissa. He negotiates an alliance with Athens and Lacedaemon, while the Locrians obtain promises of assistance from Thebes and Thessaly.

Corcyra revolts from Athens.

355 The king of Persia threatens Athens with war on account of the aid furnished by Chares to Artabazus.

The Athenians terminate the Social War by acknowledging the independence of the revolted states.

28 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS

B. C.

355 Timotlieus and Iphicrates are brought to trial for misconduct in the war. Timotheus is found guilty, and goes into exile. Shortly after, he dies at Chalcis.

The Athenians send an expedition against Olynthus, without success.

Chares takes Sestus.

Philonielus again defeats the Locrians, and being threatened with a general war, seizes the treasures of Delphi and collects a body of mercenaries. The Thessalians and Boeotians, having marched into Locris, are defeated by Philomelus, who is strongly reinforced from Peloponnesus.

Demosthenes makes the speeches against Leptines and Androtion. 354 The Thebans, largely reinforced, give battle to Philomelus in the denies of Parnassus. He is defeated and slain. Onomarchus succeeds to the command, and the Thebans retire.

Philip sends Macedonian troops to assist Callias of Chalcis against Plutarch of Eretria. The latter applies to Athens for assistance, and is opposed by Demosthenes, who makes his first public speech on this occasion. The Athenians determine to assist Plutarch, and Phocion is sent with an army to Euboea. He defeats Callias and the Macedonians at TamynEe, and establishes popular government at Eretria.

The Athenians debate about making war with Persia. Demos- thenes dissuades them in his speech de Symmoriis. 353 Onomarchus takes Thronium, and invades Boeotia. Here he takes Orchomenus, but is defeated by the Thebans at Chseronea.

Lycophron, now sovereign of Pherse, enters into alliance with Onomarchus, and endeavours to oppress the independent Thes- salians.

The Spartans declare war against Megalopolis, and apply for assist- ance to Athens. Demosthenes makes his speech pro Megalo- politanis, in which he urges the Athenians to espouse the other side. They remain neutral.

Demosthenes delivers the oration against Timocrates.

Philip takes Methone after a long siege, in which he lost an eye.

The Macedonian party prevail at Eretria, and dissolve the con- nexion with Athens.

Mausolus, king of Caria, dies, and is succeeded by his widow Artemisia.

The Phoenicians revolt from Artaxerxes, and enter into alliance

with Nectanabis. Cyprus soon after revolts.

352 Philip, invited by the Thessalians, marches against .Lycophron, defeats Phayllus, brother of Onomarchus, and takes Pagasas. Onomarchus marches with a large army into Thessaly, and defeats Philip in two battles, who retreats to Macedonia. Onomarchus then invades Boeotia, defeats the Thebans, and takes Coronea ; but is recalled to Thessaly by intelligence that Philip had re- turned with large reinforcements. The decisive battle of Pagasas is fought, in which Onomarchus is defeated and slain. Philip expels Lycophron from Pherse, and takes the city of Magnesia.

DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 29

B.C.

352 He then prepares to invade Phocis, and marches to Thermopylae, but finds the pass guarded by an Athenian force, and retreats.

Phayllus, joined by a large force of auxiliaries from Sparta, Achaia, and Athens, invades Boeotia, but is defeated by the Thebans.

Philip sends out a fleet, plundering the Athenian coast, and ravages Lemnos, Imbrus, and Scyros. He himself marches into Thrace, where, after long being occupied in the interior extending his power over the different tribes, he turns towards the coast of the Propontis and attacks Heraaum.

Demosthenes speaks the first Philippic.

The oration against Aristocrates is delivered.

Thebes, Argos, Sicyon, and Messene send assistance to Megalopolis. The Spartans, assisted by mercenaries from Phocis, after various indecisive battles, are compelled to make peace.

Artaxerxes makes great preparations to recover Phoenicia and

Cyprus.

351 Phayllus overruns the country of the Epicnemidian Locrians, is defeated by the Boeotians at Abaa, afterwards defeats them at Aryca, and dies ; is succeeded by his nephew Phalaacus.

The democratical party at Rhodes solicit the aid of Athens, and are supported by Demosthenes in his speech de Libertate JRhodiorum.

Artemisia, queen of Criia, dies, and is succeeded by Idrieus, who, at the command of Artaxerxes, collects a large armament for the reduction of Cyprus. Phocion the Athenian is joined with Evagoras in the command of this expedition.

The Thessalians remonstrate with Philip for retaining Pagasae and

Magnesia.

350 Phalaacus invades Boeotia, and takes Chaaronea, from which he is again driven by the Thebans, who invade and ravage Phocis.

Philip takes Apollonia, and threatens the Chalcidian towns. The Olynthians send to Athens to negotiate alliance.

Pitholaus, brother of Lycophron, recovers Pheraa, and Philip is invited to expel him. On his return from Thessaly he marches into the Chalcidian peninsula, and lays siege to Stagira.

Cyprus submits to Artaxerxes. Temnes, king of Sidon, assisted by Mentor at the head of Greek mercenaries, defeats the Persian satraps.

Demosthenes brings an action against Midias, which is afterwards

compromised.

3-19 The Thebans receive a large subsidy from Persia, to enable them to carry on the war against Phocis.

The Olynthians send an embassy to Athens to implore assistance. A warm debate takes place, in which Demosthenes speaks the first Olynthiac. The Athenians vote alliance, and despatch Chares with a small force. The second and third Olynthiacs are delivered at short intervals after this.

Meanwhile Stagira capitulates ; Torone is taken, and most of the Chalcidian towns hasten to make terms with Philip. The Olyn- thians send another embassy, pressing for more effectual assist-

SO CHEONOLOG1CAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS

B.C.

349 anc3. A larger armament is sent from Athens; and put under the command of Charidemus.

The Olynthians, dissatisfied with Charidemus, send a third embassy, and entreat the aid of a native Athenian force. This is sent ; but arrives too late.

Artaxerxes marches in person against the Phoenicians. Temnes betrays Sidon, and the Phoenicians submit. Mentor is taken into the service of Persia.

348 Philip takes Mecyberna, the port of Olynthus, and lays siege to the city. After various ineffectual sallies, Olynthus is betrayed to Philip, who razes it to the ground .

Phalsecus is deposed from his command by the Phocians. The Sacred War languishes.

Artaxerxes sends to the Greek states to collect mercenaries for the invasion of Egypt. Athens and Sparta refuse assistance. The Thebans send Lacrates with a thousand men; the Argives Kicostratus with three thousand. The Asiatic Greeks furnish a contingent, and the king marches in person into Egypt. The conquest of Egypt is ultimately effected, but the exact date is uncertain.

347 Philip celebrates his triumph over Olynthus by a festival at Dium in Pieria.

An assembly is held at Athens, to consider the expediency of rousing the Greeks against Philip. JEschines is sent for that purpose to Arcadia. The negotiations of Athens are unsuccessful.

Philip causes it to be intimated at Athens that he is desirous of peace. A decree passes at Athens to send ambassadors to treat with him.

The Thebans, suffering by the depredations committed on their territories from the hostile garrisons in Boeotia, invite Philip to terminate the Sacred War. The Phocians pray for aid of the Athenians, and offer to put them in possession of Nicaea, Thro- nium, and Alponus. Meanwhile Phalsecus regains his power in Phocia, and refuses to admit the Athenian troops.

Parmenio besieges Halus in Thessaly.

Demosthenes, JEschines, and eight other ambassadors, are sent to Pella to treat for peace. They return in the beginning of the following year.

346 Parmenio and Antipater are sent to Athens to negotiate the peace. A congress of the allies is held, and peace is concluded, on the terms of each party keeping his own possessions ; but the Phocians and Cersobleptes are not named in the treaty.

The ten Athenian ambassadors are sent to Macedonia to receive Philip's oath of ratification. On arriving at Pella, they find that Philip has marched into Thrace. There he had seized upon the Sacred Mount, and stripped Cersobleptes of a considerable part of his dominions. On his return to Pella he takes the ambassa- dors with him to Pherae, and there ratifies the peace. He then dismisses them, hastens to Thermopylae, takes Nicaea, Thronium, and Alponus, and being joined by the Boeotians, marches into

DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 31

B. C.

346 Phocis. Archidamus with the Spartan troops, and Phalascus with his mercenaries, retire to Peloponnc.-us, while the Phocian towns are either taken by storm or capitulate.

The Athenians, alarmed at this intelligence, begin to prepare for their own defence, but are reassured by a letter of Philip.

A council of Amphictyons is held at Delphi, and sentence passed on the Phocians for their sacrilege. Philip becomes a member of the council, and is chosen to preside at the Pythian games.

The lost Boeotian towns are restored to Thebes by Philip, and Nicsea given to the Thessalians.

The Amphictyonic Council send an embassy to Athens, to notify their election of Philip, and demand her recognition of it. Demosthenes delivers his Oration on the Peace, in which he dis- suades the Athenians from opposing the Amphictyonic league. 345 Philip promises to assist the Messenians and Arcadians against hostilities threatened by Lacedasmon.

The Athenians send Demosthenes at the head of an embassy to Messene and Argos, to counteract the influence of Philip.

Diopittes is sent with a body of Athenian settlers to the Thracian Chersonese, who become involved in disputes with the Cardians,

Philip ravages Illyria, and takes many of the towns in that dis- trict ; after which he marches into Thessaly, where the regnant family had again made head, and expels them, leaving strong garrisons in Pherse and Magnesia. Soon afterwards he causes the whole country to be divided into tetrarchies, and governed by his own partisans.

3-14 Philip sends Python to Athens, to complain of the Athenian em- bassy to Peloponnesus. Demosthenes speaks the second Philippic.

Sostratus the pirate, having seized the island Halonnesus, is ex- pelled by Philip. The Athenians demand its return.

Philip sends Python again to Athens, to adjust his disputes. The Athenians send Hegesippus and other envoys to make proposals for the amendment of the treaty.

The Cardians resist the attempt of Diopithes to take a portion of

their territories, and apply to Philip for assistance. 343 Philip sends a letter to the Athenians, stating the terms which he is willing to consent to. Demosthenes and Hegesippus oppose them as unreasonable. The extant speech de Halonneso is sup- posed to be that of Hegesippus.

Phocion is sent to protect Megara against a conspiracy to betray it into the hands of the Macedonians. He secures it by fortifying Nicsea, and completing the long walls.

Philip invades Cassopia in Epirus, and annexes it to the dominions of his brother-in-law Alexander.

Demosthenes, Hegesippus, and Lycurgus are sent into Achaia and Acarnania, to form a league against Philip, to oppose his designs upon Ambracia and the western parts of Greece. They are suc- cessful, and an Athenian force is sent into Ambracia. Philip retreats from Epirus.

32 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS

B.C.

343 Aristodemus with an Athenian force makes an unsuccessful attempt

upon Magnesia. JSschines is brought to trial by Demosthenes for misconduct in the

embassy, and acquitted.

Philip sends assistance to the Cardians. and marches into the inte- rior of Thrace to attack Teres. Diopithes, having collected a large body of mercenaries, endeavours to interrupt the conquests of Philip.

342 A Macedonian force is sent to Oreus in Euboea, and establishes Philistides as governor. Clitarchus, a partisan of Philip, is secured in the government of Eretria.

Philip sends a letter to Athens, complaining of the proceedings of Diopithes as an infraction of the peace. Demosthenes makes the speech de Cliersoneso.

Philip completes the conquest of Thrace, and drives Cersobleptes from his kingdom. He then marches toward the Propontine coast. 341 Demosthenes speaks the third Philippic. Early in the year Philip

besieges Selymbria.

Twenty Athenian corn-ships, intended for the relief of Selymbria, are captured by Philip. The Athenians complain, and the ships are restored.

Phocion is sent with troops to Eubcea, and expels Clitarchus and Philistides. Demosthenes is crowned by the people for having advised this expedition.

Selymbria is taken, and Philip proceeds to besiege Perinthus. The Athenians, under the advice of Demosthenes, apply for assist- ance to Persia.

340 Philip sends his letter to the Athenians (which is still extant), in which, after reproaching them for their conduct, he virtually declares war.

He sends an army into the Chersonese. The Persians relieve Selymbria, and Philip, leaving troops to

blockade it, lays siege to Byzantium.

Demosthenes goes to Byzantium, to offer Athenian succour, which is accepted, and Chares is sent with a fleet ; but the Byzantines refuse to receive him, and Phocion is sent in his stead. At the same time assistance is sent from Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, and also from other parts of Greece.

Philip is compelled to raise the siege of Perinthus and Byzantium, and his troops are driven out of the Chersonese. He breaks up his camp, and marches into Scythia. Artaxerxes is poisoned by the satrap Bagoas, and his son Arses

succeeds him.

339 JEschines goes as one of the Athenian deputies to the Amphic- tyonic Council. He accuses the Locrians of Amphissa, for having cultivated the sacred plain. The Delphians having attacked Cirrha, are put to flight, and a resolution is passed to convoke an extraordinary meeting at Thermopylae. At this meeting, unattended by Athens' or Thebes, war is declared against the

DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 33

B.C.

339 Locrians, and Cottyphus appointed to command an Amphictvonic

army. He invades Locris, but without effect. Philip, on his return from Scythia, is attacked by the Triballi, and

is wounded in a hard-fought battle. Phocion carries on successful operations against Philip in the

north, but is severely wounded in an incursion into Macedonia. Another Amphictyonic assembly is convened, at which Philip is elected general to carry into effect the decree against the Locrians. 333 Philip marches through Thessaly, and takes possession of Elatea,

which he begins to fortify.

The Athenians in alarm hold an assembly of the people, at which Demosthenes proposes to send an embassy to Thebes. This is resolved upon, and Demosthenes himself heads the embassy. Meanwhile the Athenians muster all their troops, and collect a body of ten thousand mercenaries.

An assembly is convoked at Thebes, and attended by Python on Philip's behalf; but Demosthenes prevails on the Thebans to become allies of Athens.

Philip marches against Amphissa, and defeats Chares, who had been sent to succour the Locrians. After two indecisive battles, the hostile armies meet at Chseronea. Philip is at the head of thirty-two thousand men, chiefly Macedonians and Thessalians. On the other side are the forces of Athens and Thebes, with a few auxiliaries from Peloponnesus, somewhat inferior in number. Philip gains a decisive victory.

The Athenians take energetic measures for the defence of their city. Demosthenes pronounces the funeral orations in honour of the slain. Lysicles the general is condemned to death. Ctesiphon proposes a decree, that Demosthenes be crowned at the Dionysian festival for his services in repairing the fortifications, and his general merits as a citizen. For .this a prosecution is instituted against him by ^JEschines.

Philip grants peace to the Athenians, and puts a Macedonian garrison into Thebes. The Boeotian towns are emancipated, and Oropus given to Athens.

Philip holds a congress of the Greeks at Corinth, and declares war against Persia. He makes a triumphant march through Pelo- ponnesus, and obtains universal submission. 337 Attains and Parmenio are sent with a force into Asia Minor, to

liberate the Greek cities.

Philip is engaged in a war with the Illyrians, after which he cele- brates his marriage with Cleopatra, and is involved in domestic broils. Arses is murdered, and Darius Codomanus raised to the throne of

Persia.

336 A great festival is held at JEgsa in Macedonia, to solemnize the marriage of Philip's daughter with the king of Epirus; and attended from all parts of 'Greece. During the solemnity, Philip is murdered by Pausanias, one of his guards. D

34 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OF EVENTS

B.C.

336 Demosthenes receives speedy information of Philip's death, and takes instant measures to free the Greeks from Macedonia. Ambassadors are sent to the Greek states, and a correspondence commenced with Attains in Asia, and also with the Persian Court. A general rising is meditated in Greece, and also among the northern tribes.

Alexander hastens to Thermopylae, joined by the Thessalians, and holds an Amphictyonic council, at which he is elected general of the Greeks. Thence he marches into Boaotia, and procures the submission of Thebes, The Athenians send ambassadors to conciliate him, and among them Demosthenes, who, after going as far as Cithseron, returns. Alexander then proceeds to Corinth, where at a general congress he is chosen to conduct the war against Persia.

335 Alexander marches into Thrace, defeats the Triballi, crosses the Danube, and, after receiving the submission of some barbarous tribes, returns through Paeonia to attack the Illyrian prince Cleitus. While he is- yet in Illyria, he hears of the revolt of Thebes.

The Thebans, having blockaded the Macedonian garrison in the Cadmea, send to divers Greek states for assistance. Demosthenes persuades the Athenians to vote alliance, and himself furnishes- the Thebans with a supply of arms. Elis and other cities of Peloponnesus send troops to the aid of Thebes, but they march no further than the Isthmus, hearing of the advance of Alexander. Alexander besieges Thebes, which after a desperate resistance is

taken by storm, and razed to the ground.

The Athenians send a deputation to appease Alexander, who re- quires them to deliver up the principal leaders of the war-party, among them, Demosthenes, Hyperides, and Lycurgus. But he is persuaded by Demades to waive this demand. 334 Alexander crosses the Hellespont into Asia Minor. Battle of Granicus.

Memnon intrigues with the Greek states, especially Laeedaemon, to excite a rising against Macedonia. His death, which happens- soon after, is fatal to the Persian cause. 333 Battle of Issus. 332 Siege of Tyre.

The Lacedaemonians send an embassy to Darius.

Agis, king of Sparta, sails to Crete, and reduces the island under

the Persian dominion. 331 Alexandria in Egypt is founded. Battle of Arbela.

Alexander enters the Persian capital. Agis forms a confederacy in Peloponnesus.

330 Antipater marches to suppress an insurrection in Thrace. The Lacedaemonians, commanded by Agis, rise in arms, and, joined by the Eleans and Achaians, besiege Megalopolis. Antipater

DURING THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. 35

B.C.

330 hastens to its relief, and an obstinate battle is fought, in which

Agis is defeated and slain.

jEschines brings on the trial of Ctesiphon, and the two Orations for the Crown are delivered. Ctesiphon is acquitted, and jEschines retires in exile to Rhodes, where he opened a school of rhetoric, and died many years after. Darius is murdered.

328 Alexander sets out on his march for India. 327 Porus is overcome. 326 The army embarks on the Indus. 325 Alexander returns to Persia.

324 An order sent by Alexander is read at the Olympic games, com- manding the reception of exiles by the Greek states. Demos- thenes goes to Olympia to remonstrate with the Macedonian envoy. The Athenians send an embassy to Alexander, to com- plain of this measure. Messages are sent to the Greek cities, requiring them to pay

divine honours to Alexander.

Harpalus, flying from Babylon with a large treasure, arrives in Athens. Antipater demands that he shall be given up by the Athenians, who throw him into prison, and pass a decree, on the motion of Demosthenes, to lodge his treasure in the Acropolis. A large portion of it is missing, and, on inquiry being insti- tuted by the Areopagus, Demosthenes (among others) is charged with having received a bribe from Harpalus. He is found guilty, and sentenced to pay a fine of fifty talents. Unable to pay this, he flies to Megara, and remains in exile. 323 Alexander dies at Babylon.

The Athenians resolve on war, and send ambassadors to stir up the Greeks. A general rising takes place, and Leosthenes the Athenian is chosen commander. Sparta remains neutral, and the Boeotians adhere to Macedonia.

Leosthenes defeats the Boeotians at Plateea, and marches to meet Antipater in Thessaly. Antipater is totally defeated, and takes refuge in Lamia, where he is blockaded.

Macedonian envoys are sent to Peloponnesus, to counteract the efforts of the Athenians. Demosthenes opposes them success- fully in Argos, Corinth, and Arcadia. Demosthenes is recalled from exile by the Athenians, and a ship

sent to bring him home. Leosthenes is killed in a sally from Lamia. Antiphilus succeeds

him as general.

The siege of Lamia is raided by the advance of Leonatu*, who is himself defeated and slain ; but Antipater effects a junction with his army, and receives large reinforcements from Macedonia. 322 The Athenian fleet is defeated by the Macedonian.

A Macedonian force lands at Marathon and ravages Attica, but is defeated by Phocion.

36 CHRONOLOGICAL ABSTRACT OP EVENTS.

B.C.

322 Antipater attacks the Greeks with a greatly superior army at Crannon in Thessaly, and gains a doubtful victory, which be- comes decisive by the general desertion of the allies.

Antipater advances against Athens, which submits, and receives a Macedonian garrison.

The Athenians are compelled to remodel their constitution, and adopt a property qualification, which disfranchises a large num- ber of citizens.

Demosthenes and Hyperides, with other orators of the war party, are demanded by Antipater. Demosthenes flies first to ^Egina, and afterwards to Calaurea, where he takes refuge in the temple of Neptune. Pursued by Archias, the Macedonian emissary, he puts an end to his life by poison.

THE

ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

THE FIEST OLYNTHIAC.

THE ARGUMENT.

Olynthus was a city in Macedonia, at the head of the Toronaic gulf, and north of the peninsula of Pallene. It was colonized by a people from Chalcis in Euboea, and commanded a large district called Chalcidice, in which there were thirty-two cities. Over all this tract the sway of Olynthus was considerable, and she had waged wars anciently with Athens and Sparta, and been formidable to Philip's predecessors on the throne of Macedon. Soon after Philip's accession, the Olynthians had disputes with him, which were at first accommodated, and he gratified them by the cession of Anthemus. They then joined him in a war against Athens, and he gave up to them Potidsea, which had yielded to their united arms. After the lapse of some years, during which Philip had greatly increased his power, and acquired considerable influence in Thessaly and Thrace, the Olynthians became alarmed, and began to think him too dangerous a neighbour. The immediate cause of rupture was an attack which he made on one of the Chalcidian towns. An embassy was instantly sent to Athens, to negotiate an alliance. Philip, considering this as an infraction of their treaty with him, declared war against them, and invaded their territory. A second embassy was sent to Athens, pressing for assist- ance. The question was debated in the popular assembly. Demades, an orator of considerable ability, but profligate character, opposed the alliance. Many speakers were heard; and at length Demosthenes rose to support the prayer of the embassy, delivering one of those clear and forcible speeches, which seldom failed to make a strong im- pression on his audience. The alliance was accepted, and succours voted.

The orator here delicately touches on the law of Eubulus, which had made it capital to propose that the Theoric fund should be applied to military service. This fund was in fact the surplus revenue of the civil administration, which by the ancient law was appropriated to the defence of the commonwealth ; but it had by various means been diverted from that purpose, and expended in largesses to the people,

38 THE OBATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

to enable them to attend the theatre, and other public shows and amusements. The law of Eubulus perpetuated this abuse. (See my article Theorica in the Archaeological Dictionary.) Demosthenes, seeing the necessity of a war supply, hints that this absurd law ought to be abolished, but does not openly propose it.

There has been much difference of opinion among the learned as to the order of the three Olynthiac orations ; nor is it certain, whether they were spoken on the occasion of one embassy, or several embassies. The curious may consult Bishop Thirl wall's Appendix to the fifth volume of his Grecian History, and Jacobs' Introduction to his translation. I have followed the common order, as adopted by Bekker, whose edi- tion of Demosthenes is the text of this translation ; and indeed my opinion is, on the whole, in favour of preserving the common order, though the plan of this work prevents my entering into controversy on the question. To enable the reader more fully to understand the following orations, I have in an Appendix to this volume given a brief account of Olynthus, showing its position with reference to Mace- donia, and the importance of its acquisition to Philip. The historical abstract prefixed to this volume is intended chiefly to assist the reader in reference to dates. Such occurrences only are noticed as may be useful to illustrate Demosthenes.

I BELIEVE, men of Athens, you would give much to know, what is the true policy to be adopted in the present matter of inquiry. This being the case, you should be willing to hear with attention those who offer you their counsel. Be- sides that you will have the benefit of all preconsidered advice, I esteem it part of your good fortune, that many fit sugges- tions will occur to some speakers at the moment, so that from, them all you may easily choose what is profitable.

The present juncture, Athenians, all but proclaims aloud, that yo'u must yourselves take these affairs in hand, if you care for their success. I know not how we seem disposed in the matter.1 My own opinion is, vote succour immediately, and make the speediest preparations for sending it off from Athens, that you may not incur the same mishap as before; send also ambassadors, to announce this, and watch the pro- ceedings. For the danger is, that this man, being unscru- pulous and clever at turning events to account, making concessions when it suits him, threatening at other times, (his threats may well be believed,) slandering us and urging our absence against us, may convert and wrest to his use some

1 This is a cautious way of hinting at the general reluctance to adopt a vigorous policy. And the reader will observe the use of the first per- son, whereby the orator includes himself in the same insinuation.

THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 39

of our main resources. Though, strange to say, Athenians, the very cause of Philip's strength is a circumstance favourable to you.1 His having it in his sole power to publish or conceal his designs, his being at the same time general, sovereign, paymaster, and everywhere accompanying his army, is a great advantage for quick and timely operations in war ; but, for a peace with the Olynthians, which he would gladly make, it has a contrary effect. For it is plain to the Olynthians, that now they are fighting, not for glory or a slice of territory, but to save their country from destruction and servitude. They know how he treated those Amphipolitans who surrendered to him their city, and those Pydneans who gave him admit- tance.2 And generally, I believe, a despotic power is mis- trusted by free states, especially if their dominions are adjoining. All this being known to you, Athenians, all else of importance considered, I say, you must take heart and spirit, and apply yourselves more than ever to the war, con- tributing promptly, serving personally, leaving nothing un- done. No plea or pretence is left you for declining your duty. What you were all so clamorous about, that the Olynthians should be pressed into a war with Philip, has of itself come to pass,3 and in a way most advantageous to you. For, had they undertaken the war at your instance, they

1 After alarming the people by showing the strength of their adver- sary, he turns off skilfully to a topic of encouragement.

2 Amphipolis was a city at the head of the Strymonic gulf, in that part of Macedonia which approaches western Thrace. It had been built formerly by an Athenian colony, and was taken by the Spartan general Brasidas in the Peloponnesian war. Ever since Athens regained her character of an imperial state, she had desired to recover Amphipolis, which was important for its maritime position, its exportation of iron, and especially from the vicinity of the forests near the Strymon, which afforded an inexhaustible supply of ship-timber. But she had never been able to accomplish that object. Philip, who at that time possessed no maritime town of importance, was for obvious reasons anxious to win Amphipolis for himself; and he got possession of it partly by force of arms, partly by the treachery of certain Amphipolitans who were attached to Ms interest. It seems the Athenians had been amused by a promise of Philip to give up the town to them. The non- performance of this compact led to their first long war with him. Immediately after the capture of Amphipolis, Philip marched against Pydna, and was ad- mitted into the town.

3 Compare Virgil, ^En. ix. 6.

Turne, quod optanti Divum promittere nemo Auderet, volvenda dies en attulit ultro.

40 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.

might have been slippery allies, with minds but half resolved perhaps : but since they hate him on a quarrel of their own. their enmity is like to endure on account of their fears and their wrongs. You must not then, Athenians, forego this lucky opportunity, nor commit the error which you have often done heretofore. For example, when we returned from succouring the Euboeans, and Hierax and Stratocles of Am- phipolis came to this platform,1 urging us to sail and receive possession of their city, if we had shown the same zeal for ourselves as for the safety of Euboea, you would have held Amphipolis then and been rid of all the troubles that en- sued. Again, when news came that Pydna,2 Potidsea, Me- • thone, Pagasae, and the other places (not to waste time in enumerating them) were besieged, had we to any one of these in the first instance carried prompt and reasonable succour, we should have found Philip far more tractable and humble now. But, by always neglecting the present, and imagin- ing the future would shift for itself, we, 0 men of Athens, have exalted Philip, and made him greater than any king of Macedon ever was. Here then is come a crisis, this of Olynthus, self-offered to the state, inferior to none of the former. And methinks, men of Athens, any man fairly esti- mating what the gods have done for us, notwithstanding many untoward circumstances, might with reason be grateful to them. /Our numerous losses in war may justly be charged to our owTn negligence ; but that they happened not long -ago, and that an alliance, to counterbalance them, is open to our acceptance, I must regard as manifestations of divine favour. It is much the same as in money matters. If a man keep what he gets, he is thankful to fortune ; if he lose it by im-

1 The hustings from which the speakers addressed the people. It was cut to the height of ten feet out of the rock which formed the boundary wall of the assembly ; and was ascended by a flight of steps.

2 Potidsea was in the peninsula of Pallene, near Olynthus, and was therefore given by Philip to the Olynthians, as mentioned in the argu- ment. Methone and Pydna are on the Macedonian coast approaching Thessaly. Pagasse is a Thessalian town in the Magnesian district. It was the seaport of Pherae, capital of the tyrant Lycophron, against whom Philip was invited to assist the Thessalian s. Philip overcame Lycophron, and restored republican government at Pherse ; but Pagasas he garrisoned himself, and also Magnesia, a coast-town in the same district.

THE FIRST OLYNTHIAC. 41

prudence, he loses withal his memory of the obligation. So in political affairs, they who misuse their opportunities forget even the good which the gods send them ; for every prior event is judged commonly by the last result. Wherefore, Athenians, we must be exceedingly careful of our future measures, that by amendment therein we may efface the shame of the past. Should we abandon these men1 too, and Philip reduce Olynthus, let any one tell me, what is to pre- vent him marching where he pleases ? Does any one of you, Athenians, compute or consider the means, by which Philip, originally weak, has become great ? 1 Having first taken Am- phipolis, then Pydna, Potidsea next, Methone afterwards, he invaded Thessaly. Having ordered matters at Pherse, Pagasse, Magnesia, everywhere exactly as he pleased, he departed for Thrace ; where, after displacing some kings and establishing others, he fell sick | again recovering, he lapsed not into indo- lence, but instantly attacked the Olynthians. I omit his expeditions to Illyria and Pseonia, that against Arymbas,'2 and some others.

Why, it may be said, do you mention all this now ? That you, Athenians, may feel and understand both the folly of con- tinually abandoning one thing after another, and the activity which forms part of Philip's habit and existence, which makes it impossible for him to rest content with his achievements. If it be his principle, ever to do more than he has done, and yours, to apply yourselves vigorously to nothing, see what the end promises to be. Heavens ! which of you is so simple as not to know, that the war yonder will soon be here, if we are careless 1 And should this happen, I fear, 0 Athenians, that as men who thoughtlessly borrow on large interest, after a brief accommodation, lose their estate, so will it be with us ; found to have paid dear for our idleness and self-indulgence, we shall be reduced to many hard and unpleasant shifts, and struggle for the salvation of our country.

To censure, I may be told, is easy for any man ; to show what measures the case requires, is the part of a counsellor. I am not ignorant, Athenians, that frequently, when any dis- appointment happens, you are angry, not with the parties in

• Here he points to the Olynthian ambassadors. 2 Arymbas was a king of the Molossians in Epirus, and uncle of Olympias, Philip's wife.

42 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

fault, but with the last speakers on the subject } yet never, with a view to self-protection, would I suppress what I deem for your interests I say then, you must give a two-fold assist- ance here ; first, save the Olynthians their towns,1 and send out troops for that purpose ; secondly, annoy the enemy's country with ships and other troops ; ; omit either of these courses, and I doubt the expedition will be fruitless., For should he, suffering your incursion, reduce Olynthus, he will easily march to the defence of his kingdom ; or, should you only throw succour into Olynthus, and he, seeing things out of danger at home, keep up a close and vigilant blockade, he must in time prevail over the besieged. Your assistance therefore must be effective, and two-fold.

Such are the operations I advise. As to a supply of money : you have money, Athenians ; you have a larger military fund than any people ; and you receive it just as you please. If ye will assign this to your troops, ye need no further sup- ply; otherwise ye need a further, or rather ye have none at all. How then ? some man may exclaim : do you move that this be a military fund 1 Verily, not I.2 My opinion indeed is, that there should be soldiers raised, and a military fundj/and one and the same regulation for receiving and per- forming what is due; only you just without trouble take your allowance for the festivals. It remains then, I imagine, that all must contribute, if much be wanted, much, if little, little. Money must be had; without it nothing proper can be done. Other persons propose other ways and means. Choose which ye think expedient ; and put hands to the work, while it is yet time.

It may be well to consider and calculate how Philip's

1 The Chalcidian towns. See the Argument. Philip commenced his aggressions upon the Olynthians by reducing several of these.

2 There is some studied obscurity in this passage, owing to the neces- sity under which the speaker lay of avoiding the penalty of the law ; and a little quiet satire on his countrymen, who seemed desirous of eating their pudding and having it too. The logic of the argument runs thus — My opinion is, that we ought to have a military fund, 'and that no man should receive public money, without performing public service. However, as you prefer ta.king the public money to pay for your places at the festivals, I will not break the law by moving to apply that money to another purpose. Only you gain nothing by it ; for, as the troops must be paid, there must be an extraordinary contribution, or property tax, to meet the exigency of the case.

THE FIRST OLYXTHIAC. 43

affairs now stand. They are not, as they appear, or as an inattentive observer might pronounce, in very good trim, or in the most favourable position. He would never have commenced this war, had he imagined he must fight. He expected to cany everything on the first advance, and has been mistaken. | This disappointment is one thing that trou- bles and dispirits him ; another is, the state of Thessaly.1 That people were always, you know, treacherous to all men ; and just as they ever have been, they are to Philip. They have resolved to demand the restitution of Pagasee, and have prevented his fortifying Magnesia; and I was told, they would no longer allow him to take the revenue of their har- bours and markets, which they say should be applied to the public business of 'Thessaly, not received by Philip. Now, if he be deprived of this fund, his means will be much straitened for paying his mercenaries. V And surely we must suppose, that Paeonians and Illyrians, and all such people, would rather be free and independent than under subjection ; for they are unused to obedience, and the man is a tyrant. So report says, and I can well believe it ;* for undeserved success leads weak-minded men into folly ; and thus it appears often, that to maintain prosperity is harder than to acquire it. There- fore must you, Athenians, looking on his difficulty as your opportunity, assist cheerfully in the war, sending embassies where required, taking arms yourselves, exciting all other

1 Philip's influence in Thessaly was of material assistance to him in his ambitious projects. It was acquired in this way. The power esta- blished by Jason of Pheree, who raised himself to a sort of royal autho- rity under the title of Tagus, had devolved upon Lycophron. His sway extended more or less over the whole of Thessaly ; but was, if not generally unpopular, at least unacceptable to the great families in the northern towns, among whom the Aleuadse of Larissa held a prominent place. They invoked Philip's aid, while Lycophron was assisted by the Phocian Onomarchus. After various success, Onomarchus was defeated and slain, and Lycophron expelled from Pherae. This established Philip's influence, and led to his being afterwards called in to termi- nate the Sacred war. How far the assertions of Demosthenes, respecting the discontent of the Thessalians, are true, cannot exactly be told. They are confirmed, however, in some degree by the fact, that at the close of the Sacred war Philip restored to them Magnesia. A new attempt by the regnant family caused Philip again to be invited, and Thessaly became virtually a province of Macedonia. Among other advantages therefrom was the aid of a numerous cavalry, for which Thessaly was famous.

44 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

people ; for if Philip got such an opportunity against us, and there was a war on our frontier, how eagerly think ye he would attack you ! Then are you not ashamed, that the very damage which you would suffer, if he had the power, you dare not seize the moment to inflict on him 1

And let not this escape you, Athenians, that you have now the choice, whether you shall fight there, or he in your coun- try. If Olynthus hold out, you will fight there and distress his dominions, enjoying your own home in peace. If Philip take that city, who shall then prevent his marching here 1 Thebans ? I wish it be not too harsh to say, they will be ready to join in the invasion. Phocians ? who cannot defend their own country without your assistance. Or some other ally ? But, good sir, he will not desire ! Strange indeed, if, what he is thought fool-hardy for prating now, this he would not accomplish if he might. As to the vast difference be- tween a war here or there, I fancy there needs no argument. If you were obliged to be out yourselves for thirty days only, and take the necessaries for camp-service from the land, (I mean, without an enemy therein,) your agricultural popu- lation would sustain, I believe, greater damage than what the whole expense of the late war 1 amounted to. /But if a war should come, what damage must be expected 1 ' There is the insult too, and the disgrace of the thing, worse than any damage to right-thinking men.

On all these accounts, then, we must unite to lend our succour, and drive off the war yonder ; the rich, that, spend- ing a little for the abundance which they happily possess, they may enjoy the residue in security; the young,2 that gaining military experience in Philip's territory, they may become redoubtable champions to preserve their own; the

1 The Ampliipolitan war, said to have cost fifteen hundred talents.

2 Strictly, those of the military age, which was from eighteen years to sixty. Youths between eighteen and twenty were liable only to serve in Attica, and were chiefly employed to garrison the walls. Afterwards they were compellable to perform any military service, under the penalty of losing their privileges as citizens. The expression in the text, it will be seen, is not rendered with full accuracy ; as those of the military age can only be called young by comparison. But a short and apt antitheses was needed. Sometimes I have "the serviceable," or " the able-bodied." Jacobs : die waffenfaliigen Ji'mglinge, and else- where, die Rustige.

THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 45

orators, that they may pass a good account l of their states- manship; for on the result of measures will depend your judgment of their conduct. May it for every cause be prosperous.

HE SECOND OLYNTHIAC.

THE ARGUMENT.

The Athenians had voted an alliance with the Olynthians, and resolved to send succours. But the sending of them was delayed, partly by the contrivance of the opposite faction, partly from the reluctance of the people themselves to engage in a war with Philip. Demosthenes stimulates them to exertion, and encourages them, by showing that Philip's power is not so great as it appears.

ON many occasions, men of Athens, one may see the kind- ness of the gods to this country manifested, but most sig- nally, I think, on the present. / That here are men prepared for a war with Philip, possessed of a neighbouring territory and some power, and (what is most important) so fixed in their hostility, as to regard any accommodation with him as insecure, and even ruinous to their country; this really appears like an extraordinary act of divine beneficence. It must then be our care, Athenians, that we are not more unkind to ourselves than circumstances have been; as it would be a foul, a most foul reproach, to have abandoned not only cities and places that once belonged to us, but also the allies and advantages provided by fortune.

To dilate, Athenians, on Philip's power, and by such dis- course to incite you to your duty, I think improper : and why ? Because all that may be said on that score involves matter of glory for him, and misconduct on our part. The more he has transcended his repute,2 the more is he uni- versally admired; you, as you have used your advantages

1 Every man, who is required to justify the acts for which he is re- sponsible, may be said to be " called to account." But Demosthenes speaks with peculiar reference to those accounts, which men in official situations at Athens were required to render at the close of their administration.

2 Jacobs otherwise : uber sein Verdienst gelungen.

46 THE OEATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

unworthily, have incurred the greater disgrace. This topic, then, I shall pass over. Indeed, Athenians, a correct observer will find the source of his greatness here,1 and not in himself.

<" But of measures, for which Philip's partisans deserve his gratitude and your vengeance, I see no occasion to speak now. Other things are open to me, which it concerns you all to know, and which must, on a due examination, Athe- nians, reflect great disgrace on Philip. To these will I address myself.

To call him perjured and treacherous, without showing what he has done, might justly be termed idle abuse. But to go through all his actions and convict him in detail, will take, as it happens, but a short time, and is expedient, I think, for two reasons : first, that his baseness may appear in its true light ; secondly, that they, whose terror imagines Philip to be invincible, may see he has run through all the artifices by which he rose to greatness, and his career is just come to an end. I myself, men of Athens, should most assuredly have regarded Philip as an object of fear and admiration, had I seen him exalted by honourable conduct ;

\ but observing and considering I find, that in the beginning, when certain persons drove away the Olynthians who desired a conference with us, he gained over our simplicity by en- gaging to surrender Amphipolis, and to execute the secret article 2 once so famous ; afterwards he got the friendship of the Olynthians, by taking Potidsea from you, wronging you his former allies, and delivering it to them ; and lastly now the Thessalians, by promising to surrender Magnesia, and undertake the Phocian war on their behalf, f In short, none who have dealt with him has he not deceived. He has risen by conciliating and cajoling the weakness of every people in turn who knew him not. \/As, therefore, by such means he

1 In this assembly, by the contrivance of venal orators, or through the supineness of the people. In the first Philippic there is a more pointed allusion to the practices of Philip's adherents, who are charged with sending him secret intelligence of what passed at home. Such men as Aristodemus, Neoptolemus, perhaps Demades and others are referred to. ^Bschines had not yet begun to be a friend of Philip.

2 A secret intrigue was carried on between Philip and the Athenians, by which he engaged to put Amphipolis in their hands, but on the un- derstanding that they would deliver up Pydna to him. Demosthenes only mentions the former part of the arrangement, the latter not being honourable to his countrymen.

THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 47

rose, when every people imagined lie would advance their interest, so ought he by the same means to be pulled down again, when the selfish aim of his whole policy is exposed. To this crisis, 0 Athenians, are Philip's affairs come; or let any man stand forward and prove to me, or rather to you, that my assertions are false, or that men whom Philip has once overreached will trust him hereafter, or that the Thes- salians who have been degraded into servitude would not gladly become free, t

But if any among you, though agreeing in these state- ments, thinks that Philip will maintain his power by having occupied forts and havens and the like, this is a mistake. True, when a confederacy subsists by good-will, and all parties to the war have a common interest, men are willing to co- operate and bear hardships and persevere.^ But when one has grown strong, like Philip, by rapacity and artifice, on the first pretext, the slightest reverse, all is overturned and broken up.1 Impossible is it, — impossible, Athenians, — to acquire a solid power by injustice and perjury and falsehood. Such things last for once, or for a short period ; maybe, they blossom fairly with^hope;2 but in time they are discovered and drop away.3 I As a house, a ship, or the like, ought to have the lower parts firmest, so in human conduct, I ween, the principle and foundation should be just and true. But this is not so in Philip's conduct. /

I say, then, we should at once aid the Olynthians, (the best and quickest way that can be suggested will please me

1 The original dv^xa/iTlG'€ ™ " shakes off," or " throws off," as a horse does his rider, when he rears and tosses up his neck. It will be observed that Demosthenes is very high-flown in his language here, passing from one metaphor to another. Leland translates these words, " overthrows him, and all his greatness is dashed at once to the ground." Francis : "hath already shaken off the yoke and dissolved their alliance." Wilson : " turneth all things upside down and layeth it flat in the end." Auger, better: suffisent pour Vebranler et la dissoudre. Jacobs : reiclit A lies umzusturzen und aufzulosen. Pabst, very nearly the same.

2 So in Henry VII I. Act. iii. Sc. 2.

Such is the state of man : to-day he puts forth The tender leaves of hope, to-morrow blossoms, And wears his blushing honours thick upon him.

3 Like the leaves of a flower ; pursuing the last metaphor. So says Moore, in The Last Hose of Summer : " the gems drop away." Jacobs : Jiillt sie von selbst zusammen. Pabst : stilrzt in sick selbst zusammen.

48 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

most,) and send an embassy to the Thessalians, to inform some of our measures, and to stir up the rest ; for they have now resolved to demand Pagasas, and remonstrate about Magnesia. But look to this, Athenians, that our envoys shall not only make speeches, but have some real proof that we have gone forth as becomes our country, and are engaged in action. All speech without action appears vain and idle, but especially that of our commonwealth ; as the more we are thought to excel therein, the more is our speaking distrusted by all. You must show yourselves greatly reformed, greatly changed, contributing, serving per- sonally, acting promptly, before any one will pay attention to you. And if ye will perform these duties properly and becomingly, Athenians, not only will it appear that Philip's alliances are weak and precarious, but the poor state of his native empire and power will be revealed.

To speak roundly, the Macedonian power and empire is very well as a help, as it was for you in Timotheus' time against the Olynthians; likewise for them against Potidaea the conjunction was important ; and lately it aided the Thes- salians in their broils and troubles against the regnant house : and the accession of any power, however small, is undoubtedly useful. But the Macedonian is feeble of itself; and full of defects. The very operations which seem to con- stitute Philip's greatness, his wars and his expeditions, have made it more insecure than it was originally. Think not, Athenians, that Philip and his subjects have the same likings. He desires glory, makes that his passion, is ready for any consequence of adventure and peril, preferring to a life of safety the honour of achieving what no Macedonian king ever did before. They have no share in the glorious result ; ever harassed by these excursions up and down, they suffer and toil incessantly, allowed no leisure for their em- ployments or private concerns, unable even to dispose of their hard earnings, the markets of the country being closed on account of the war. By this then may easily be seen, how the Macedonians in general are disposed to Philip. His mercenaries and guards, indeed, have the reputation of ad- mirable and well-trained soldiers, but, as I heard from one who had been in the country, a man incapable of falsehood, they are no better than others. For if there be any among

THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 49

them experienced in battles and campaigns, Philip is jealous of such men and drives them away, he says, wishing to keep the glory of all actions to himself; his jealousy (among other failings) being excessive. Or if any man be generally good and virtuous, unable to bear Philip's daily intemper- ances, drunkenness, and indecencies,1 he is pushed aside and accounted as nobody. The rest about him are brigands and parasites, and men of that character, who will get drunk and perform dances which I scruple to name before you. My information is undoubtedly true; for persons whom all scouted here as worse rascals than mountebanks, Callias the town-slave and the like of him, antic-jesters,2 and composers of ribald songs to lampoon their companions, such persons Philip caresses and keeps about him. Small matters these may be thought, Athenians, but to the wise they are strong indications of his character and wrongheadedness. f Success perhaps throws a shade over them now; prosperity is a famous hider of such blemishes; but, on any miscarriage, they will be fully exposed. And this (trust me, Athenians) will appear in no long time, if the gods so will and you determine, jf For as in the human body, a man in health feels not partial ailments, but, when illness occurs, all are in motion, whether it be a rupture or a sprain or anything else unsound; so with states and monarchs, whilst they wage

1 The original signifies a certain lascivious dance, which formed a part of riotous festivities. We gather from history that the orator's description here is not wholly untrue, though exaggerated. Thirlwall thus writes of Philip : " There seem to have been two features in his character which, in another station, or under different circumstances, might have gone near to lower him to an ordinary person, but which were so controlled by his fortune as to contribute not a little to his suc- cess. He appears to have been by his temperament prone to almost every kind of sensual pleasure ; but as his life was too busy to allow him often to indulge his bias, his occasional excesses wore the air of an amiable condescension. So his natural humour would perhaps have led him too often to forget his dignity in his intercourse with his inferiors ; but to Philip, the great king, the conqueror, the restless politician, these intervals of relaxation occurred so rarely, that they might strengthen his influence with the vulgar, and could never expose him to contempt.'" It has been observed, that Philip's partiality for drinking and dancing, his drollery, and a dash of scurrility in his character, endeared him especially to the Thessalians. See Jacobs' note on this passage.

2 MI/J.OVS 7e\oW, players of drolls, mimes, or farces. Our ancient word droll signifies, like (JU/JLOS, both the actor and the thing acted.

VOL. I. E

«50 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

external war, their weaknesses are undiscerned by most men, but the tug of a frontier war betrays all.

If any of you think Philip a formidable opponent, because they see he is fortunate, such reasoning is prudent, Athenians. Fortune has indeed a great preponderance — nay, is everything, in human affairs, y Not but that, if I had the choice, I should prefer our fortune to Philip's, would you but moderately per- form your duty, y For I see you have many more claims to the divine favour than he has. But we sit doing nothing; and a man idle himself cannot require even his friends to act for him, much less the gods. \j No wonder then that he, marching and toiling in person, present on all occasions, neglecting no time or season, prevails over us delaying and voting and inquiring. I marvel not at that; the contrary would have been marvellous, if we doing none of the duties of war had beaten one doing ah1. But this surprises me, that formerly, Athenians, you resisted the Lacedaemonians for the rights of Greece, and rejecting many opportunities of selfish gain, to secure the rights of others, expended your property in contributions, and bore the brunt of the battle ; yet now you are loth to serve, slow to contribute, in defence of your own possessions, and, though you have often saved the other nations of Greece collectively and individually, under your own losses you sit still. This surprises me, and one thing- more, Athenians ; that not one of you can reckon, how long your war with Philip has lasted, and what you have been doing while the time has passed. You surely know, that while you have been delaying, expecting others to act, ac- cusing, trying one another, expecting again, doing much the same as ye do now, all the time has passed away. Then are ye so senseless, Athenians, as to imagine, that the same measures, which have brought the country from a prosperous to a poor condition, will bring it from a poor to a prosperous? Unreasonable were this and unnatural; for all things are easier kept than gotten. The war now has left us nothing to keep ; we have all to get, and the work must be done by ourselves. I say then, you must contribute money, serve in person with alacrity, accuse no one, till you have gained your objects ; then, judging from facts, honour the deserving, punish offenders; let there be no pretences or defaults on your own part ; for you cannot harshly scrutinize the con-

THE SECOND OLYNTHIAC. 51

duct of others, unless you have done what is right yourselves. 'Why, think you, do all the generals l whom you commission civoid this war, and seek wars of their own ? (for of the generals too must a little truth be told.) Because here the prizes of the war are yours; for example, if Amphipolis be taken, you will immediately recover it; the commanders have all the risk and no reward. But in the other case the risks are less, and the gains belong to the commanders and soldiers ; Lampsacus,2 Sigeum, the vessels which they plunder. So they proceed to secure their several interests : you, when you look at the bad state of your affairs, bring the generals to trial; but when they get a hearing and plead these neces- sities, you dismiss them. The result is that, while you are quarrelling and divided, some holding one opinion, some another, the commonwealth goes wrong. Formerly, Athe- nians, you had boards 3 for taxes ; now you have boards for

1 A system of employing mercenary troops sprang up at the cl ose of the Peloponnesian war, when there were numerous Grecian bands accustomed to warfare and seeking employment. Such troops were eagerly sought for by the Persian satraps and their king, by such men us Jason of Pherae, Dionysius of Syracuse, or Philomelus of Phocis. Athens, which had partially employed mercenaries before, began to make use of them on a large scale, while her citizens preferred staying at home, to attend to commerce, politics, and idle amusements. The ill effects however were soon apparent. Athenian generals, ill supplied with money, and having little control over their followers, were tempted or obliged to engage in enterprises unconnected with, and often adverse to, the interests of their country. Sometimes the general, as well as the troops, was an alien, and could be very little depended on. Such a person was Charidemus, a native of Oreus in Euboea, who commenced his career as captain of a pirate vessel. He was often in the service of Athens, but did her more harm than good. See my article Mercenarii, Arch. Diet.

- Chares, the Athenian general, was said to have received these Asiatic cities from Artabazus, the Persian satrap, in return for the service he had performed. Probably it was some authority or privileges in those cities, not the actual dominion, that was conferred upon him. Sigeum, which is near the mouth of the Hellespont, and was a con- venient situation for his adventures, was the ordinary residence of Chares.

3 This refers to the institution of the crvfji/nopicu, or boards for manage- ment of the property-tax at Athens, as to which see Appendix IV. The argument of Demosthenes is as follows — The three hundred wealthier citizens, who were associated by law for purposes of taxation, had become a clique for political purposes, with an orator at their head, (he intentionally uses the term T^ye/x&z/, chairman of the board,} to conduct

E2

52 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

politics. There is an orator presiding on either side, a general under him, and three hundred men to shout; the rest of you are attached to the one party or the other. This you must leave off ; be yourselves again ; establish a general liberty of speech, deliberation, and action. If -some are ap- pointed to command as with royal authority, some to be ship-captains, tax-payers, soldiers by compulsion, others only to vote against them, and help in nothing besides, no duty will be seasonably performed; the aggrieved parties will still fail you, and you will have to punish them instead of your enemies. I say, in short; you must all fairly contribute, according to each man's ability; take your turns of service till you have all been afield ; give every speaker a hearing, and adopt the best counsel, not what this or that person advises. If ye act thus, not only will ye praise the speaker at the moment, but yourselves afterwards, when the condi- tion of the country is improved.

THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC.

THE ARGUMENT.

The Athenians had despatched succours to Olynthus, and received, as Libanius says, some favourable intelligence ; more probably, however, some vague rumours, which led them to imagine the danger was for the time averted. They began, very prematurely, as the result showed, to be confident of success, and talked of punishing Philip for his pre- sumption. In this they were encouraged by certain foolish orators, who sought to flatter the national prejudices. Demosthenes in this oration strives to check the arrogance of the people ; reminds them of the necessity of defensive rather than offensive measures, and espe- cially of the importance of preserving their allies. He again adverts (and this time more boldly) to the law of Eubulus, which he intimates ought to be repealed; and he exhorts the Athenians generally to make strenuous exertions against Philip.

NOT the same ideas, men of Athens, are presented to me, when I look at our condition, and when at the speeches which

the business of the assembly, while they stood to shout and applaud his speeches. The general, who held a judicial court to decide disputes about the property-tax, and who in matters of state ought to be inde- pendent, was subservient to the orator, who defended him in the popular assembly.

THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 53

are delivered. The speeches, I find, are about punishing Philip ; but our condition is come to this, that we must mind we are not first damaged ourselves. Therefore, it seems to me, these orators commit the simple error of not laying before you the true subject of debate. That once we might safely have held our own and punished Philip too, I know well enough ; both have been possible in my own time, not very long ago. But now, I am persuaded, it is sufficient in the first instance to effect the preservation of our allies. When this has been secured, one may look out for revenge on Philip ; but before we lay the foundation right, I deem it idle to talk about the end.

The present crisis, 0 Athenians, requires, if any ever did, much thought and counsel. Not that I am puzzled, what advice to give in the matter ; I am only doubtful, in what way, Athenians, to address you thereupon. For I have been taught both by hearsay and experience, that most of your advantages have escaped you, from unwillingness to do your duty, not from ignorance."* I request you, if I speak my mind, to be patient, and consider only, whether I s,peak the truth, and with a view . to future amendment. V You see to what wretched plight we are reduced by some men haranguing for popularity.

I think it necessary, however, first to recal to your me- mory a few past events. You remember, Athenians, when news came three or four years ago, that Philip was in Thrace besieging Heraeum.1 It was then the fifth month,2 and after much discussion and tumult in the assembly you resolved to launch forty galleys, that every citizen under forty-five 3 should embark, and a tax be raised of sixty talents. That year passed ; the first, second, third month arrived ; in that

1 A fortress on the Propontis, (now Sea of Marmora,) near Perinthus. This was a post of importance to the Athenians, who received large supplies of corn from that district.

2 Corresponding nearly to our November. The Attic year began in July, and contained twelve lunar months, of alternately 29 and 30 days. The Greeks attempted to make the lunar and solar courses coincide by cycles of years, but fell into great confusion. See Calendarium in Arch. Diet.

3 This large proportion of the "serviceable citizens, T£V tv 7/A.i/a'a, shows the alarm at Athens. Philip's illness seems to have put a stop to his progress in Thrace at this period. Immediately on his recovery he began his aggression against Olynthus. See the Chronological Abstract prefixed to this volume.

THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

month, reluctantly, after the mysteries,1 you despatched Charidemus with the empty ships and five talents in money ; for as Philip was reported to be sick or dead, (both rumours came,) you thought there was no longer any occasion for succours, and discontinued the armament. But that was the very occasion ; if we had then sent our succours quickly, as we resolved, Philip would not have been saved to trouble us now.

Those events cannot be altered. But here is the crisis of another war, the cause why I mentioned the past, that you may not repeat your error. How shall w^e deal with it, men of Athens ? If you lend not the utmost possible aid, see how you will have manoeuvred everything for Philip's benefit. There were the Olynthians, possessed of some power ; and matters stood thus : Philip distrusted them, and they Philip. We negotiated for peace with them ; this hampered (as it were) and annoyed Philip, that a great city, reconciled to us, should be watching opportunities against him. We thought it necessary by all means to make that people his enemies ; and lo, what erewhile you clamoured for, has somehow or other been accomplished. Then what remains, Athenians/but to assist them vigorously and promptly 1 I know not. , For besides the disgrace that would fall upon us, if we sacrificed any of our interests, I am alarmed for the consequences, see- ing how the Thebans are affected towards us, the Phocian treasury exhausted, nothing to prevent Philip, when he has subdued what lies before him, from turning to matters here. Whoever postpones until then the performance of his duty, wishes to see the peril at hand, when he may hear of it else- where, and to seek auxiliaries for himself, when he may bo auxiliary to others ; \| for that this will be the issue, if we throw away our present advantage, we all know pretty well. ^

But, it may be said, we have resolved that succours are necessary, and we will send them ; tell us only how. Marvel not then, Athenians, if I say something to astonish the mul- titude. Appoint law-revisors :2 at their session enact no

1 The Eleusinian Mysteries, in honour of Ceres and Proserpine, called The Mysteries from their peculiar sanctity.

a A provision was made by Solon for a periodical revision of the Athenian laws by means of a legislative committee, called No.uoPe'rcn. (See my article Nomothetes, Arch. Diet.) They were chosen by lot from

THE THIRD OLYXTHIAC. 55

statutes, for you have enough, but repeal those which are at present injurious ; I mean, just plainly, the laws concerning our theatrical fund, and some concerning the troops, whereof the former divide the military fund among stayers-at-home for theatrical amusement, the latter indemnify deserters, and so dishearten men well inclined to the service. \/ \Vhen you have repealed these, and made the road to good counsel safe, then find a man to propose what you all know to be desirable. V/ But before doing so, look not for one who will advise good measures and be destroyed by you for his painsV Such a person you will not find, especially as the only result would be, for the adviser and mover to suffer wrongfully, and, with- out forwarding matters, to render good counsel still more dangerous in future. V Besides, Athenians, you should require the same men to repeal these laws, who have introduced them, v It is unjust, that their authors should enjoy a popu- larity which has injured the commonwealth, while the ad- viser of salutary measures suffers by a displeasure that may lead to general improvement.^ Till this is set right, Athenians, look not that any one should be so powerful with you as to transgress these laws with impunity, or so senseless as to plunge into ruin right before him.

Another thing, too, you should observe, Athenians, that a decree is worth nothing, without a readiness on your part to do what you determine// Could decrees of themselves compel you to perform your duty, or execute what they prescribe, neither would you with many decrees have accomplished little or nothing, nor would Philip have insulted you so longV Had it depended on decrees, he would have been chastised long ago.^ But the course of things is otherwise. ^ Action, posterior in order of time to speaking and voting, is in efficacy prior and superior. V This requisite you want ; the others you possess. There are among you, Athenians, men competent to advise what is needful, and you are exceedingly quick at understanding it ; aye, and you will be able now

the judicial body, on a reference to them by a vote of the popular assembly. Demosthenes says, "enact no statutes," instead of saying, " let the committee enact no statutes." This is because the committee would be taken from the people themselves, and the part are treated as the whole. So in speeches to juries we shall frequently observe that in mentioning: the decision of some other jury he says, "you did this or that," as it they were the same persons.

56 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

to. perform it, if you act rightly. For what time or season would you have better than the present 1 When will you do your duty, if not now ? Has not the man got possession of all our strongholds ? And if he become master of this country, shall we not incur foul disgrace ? Are not they, to whom we promised sure protection in case of war, at this moment in hostilities? Is he not an enemy, holding our possessions — a barbarian ] — anything you like to call him 1 But, 0 heavens! after permitting, almost helping him to accomplish these things, shall we inquire who were to blame for them ? '. I know we shall not take the blame to ourselves. , For so in battles, no runaway accuses himself, but his general, his neighbour, any one rather ; though, sure enough, the defeat is owing to all the runaways ; .for each who accuses the rest might have stood his ground, and had each done so, they would have conquered. / Now then, does any man not give the best advice ? Let another rise and give it, but not censure the last speaker. Does a second give better advice 1 Follow it, and success attend you ! Perhaps it is not pleasant : but that is not the speaker's fault, unless he omits some needful prayer.2 To pray is simple enough, Athenians, col- lecting all that one desires in a short petition : but to decide, when measures are the subject of consideration, is not quite so easy ; for we must choose the profitable rather than the pleasant, where both are not compatible.

But if any one can let alone our theatrical fund, and sug- gest other supplies for the military, is he not cleverer1? it may be asked. I grant it, if this were possible : but I wonder if any man ever was or will be able, after wasting his means in useless expenses, to find means for useful. The wishes of

1 Barbarians (among the Greeks) designates persons who were not of Hellenic origin. Alexander, an ancestor of Philip, had obtained admis- sion to the Olympic games by proving himself to be of Argive descent. But the Macedonian people were scarcely considered as Greeks till a much later period ; and Demosthenes speaks rather with reference to the nation than to Philip personally.

2 Demosthenes sneers at the custom of introducing into the debate sententious professions of good-will, and prayers for prosperity ; a poor substitute (he would say) for good counsel. Compare Yirg. Georg. III. 454.

Alitur vitium vivitque tegendo, Dum medicas adhibere manus ad vulnera pastor Abnegat, et meliora Deos sedet omina poscens.

THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 57

men are indeed a great help to such arguments, and there- fore the easiest thing in the world is self-deceit ;i for every man believes what he wishes, though the reality is often different.' See then, Athenians, what the realities allow, and you will be able to serve and have pay.y It becomes not a wise or magnanimous people, to neglect military operations for want of money, and bear disgraces like these ; or, while you snatch up arms to march against Corinthians and Me- garians, to let Philip enslave Greek cities for lack of pro- visions for your troops.

I have not spoken for the idle purpose of giving offence : I am not so foolish or perverse, as to provoke your displeasure without intending your good : but I think an upright citizen should prefer the advancement of the commonweal to the gratification of his audience. / And I hear, as perhaps you do, that the j speakers in our ancestors' time, whom all that ^ad- dress you praise, but not exactly imitate, were politicians after this form and fashion ; — Aristides, Nicias, my namesake,1 Pericles. V But since these orators have appeared, who ask, What is your pleasure 1 what shall I move 1 how can I oblige you *? ;the public welfare is complimented away for a moment's popularity, and these are the results ; the orators thrive, you are disgraced. \l Mark, 0 Athenians, what a summary con- trast may be drawn between the doings in our olden time and in yours, v It is a tale brief and familiar to all ; for the ex- amples by which you may still be happy are found not abroad, men of Athens, but at home. V Our forefathers, whom the speakers humoured not nor caressed, as these men caress you, for five-and-forty years took the leadership of the Greeks by general consent, and brought above ten thousand talents into the citadel ; and the king of this country was submissive to them, as a barbarian should be to Greeks ; and many glorious trophies they erected for victories won by their own fighting on land and sea, and they are the sole people in the world who have bequeathed a renown superior to envy. Such were their merits in the affairs of Greece : ^ee what they were at home, both as citizens and as men. \ Their public works are edifices and ornaments of such beauty and grandeur in temples and

1 Demosthenes, the general so distinguished in the Peloponnesian war, who defeated the Spartans at Pylus, and afterwards lost his life iu Sicily.

#0 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.

consecrated furniture,, that posterity have no power to sur- pass them. In private they were so modest and attached to the principle of our constitution, that whoever knows the style of house which Aristides had, or Miltiades, and the illustrious of that day, perceives it to be no grander than those of the neighbours. Their politics were not for money- making • each felt it his duty to exalt the commonwealth.1 By a conduct honourable towards the Greeks, pious to the gods, brotherlike among themselves, they justly attained a high prosperity.

So fared matters with them under the statesmen I have mentioned. How fare they with you under the worthies of our time ? Is there any likeness or resemblance 1 I pass over other topics, on which I could expatiate ; but observe : in this utter absence of competitors, (Lacedaemonians depressed, Thebans employed, none of the rest capable of disputing the supremacy with us,) when we might hold our own securely and arbitrate the claims of others, we have been deprived of our rightful territory, and spent above fifteen hundred talents to no purpose ;\| the allies, whom we gained in war, these per- sons have lost in peace, and we have trained up against ourselves an enemy thus formidable, v Or let any one come forward and tell me, by whose contrivance but ours Philip has grown strong. V Well, sir, this looks bad, but things at home are better. \What proof can be adduced ? , The parapets that are whitewashed ? The roads that are repaired ] foun- tains, and fooleries ? 2 f Look at the men of whose statesman- ship these are the fruits. They have risen from beggary to opulence, or from obscurity to honour ; some have made their private houses more splendid than the public buildings ; and in proportion as the state has declined, their fortunes have been exalted.

What has produced these results 1 How is it that all went prosperously then, and now goes wrong 1 Because an- ciently the people, having the courage to be soldiers, controlled the statesmen, and disposed of all emoluments ; any of the

1 As Horace says : —

Privatus illis census erat brevis, Commune magnum.

2 Jacobs : und solclies Gescliwdtz. The proceedings of Eubulus are here more particularly referred to.

THE THIRD OLYNTHIAC. 59

rest was happy to receive from the people his share of honour, office, or advantage. Now, contrariwise, the statesmen dis- pose of emoluments ; through them everything is done • you the people, enervated, stripped of treasure and allies, are be- come as underlings and hangers-on, happy if these persons dole you out show-money or send you paltry beeves ; 1 and, the unmanliest part of all, you are grateful for receiving your own. NJ /They, cooping you in the city, lead you to your plea- sures, and make you tame and submissive to their hands.^ It is impossible, I say, to have a high and noble spirit, while you are engaged in petty and mean employments :y whatever be the pursuits of men, their characters must be similar. ]f By Ceres, I should not wonder, if I, for mentioning these things, suf- fered more from your -resentment than the men who have brought them to pass. / For even liberty of speech you alloy/ not on all subjects; I marvel indeed you have allowed it here./

Would you but even now, renouncing these practices, per- form military service and act worthily of yourselves / would you employ these domestic superfluities as a means to gain advantage abroad ; perhaps, Athenians, perhaps you might gain some solid and important advantage, and be rid of these perquisites, which are like the diet ordered by physicians for the sick. V As that neither imparts strength, nor suffers the patient to die,iso your allowances are not enough to be of substantial benefit, nor yet permit you to reject them and turn to something else. Thus do they increase the general apathy. What ? I shall be asked : mean you stipendiary service? Yes, and forthwith the same arrangement for all, Athenians, that each, taking his dividend from the public, may be what the state requires. Is peace to be had ? You

1 Entertainments were frequently given to the people after sacrifices, at which a very small part of the victim was devoted to the gods, such as the legs and intestines, the rent being kept for more profane pur- poses. The Athenians were remarkably extravagant in sacrifices, Demades, ridiculing the donations of public meat, compared the republic to an old woman, sitting at home in slippers and supping her broth. Demosthenes, using the diminutive fatSut, charges the magistrates with supplying lean and poor oxen, whereas the victims ought to be healthy and large, r&em. See Virgil, Mn. xi. 739.

Hie amor, hoc studiurn ; dum sacra secundus aruspex Nuntiet, ac lucos vocet hflstia pinguis in altos.

60 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

are better at home, under no compulsion to act dishonourably from indigence. Is there such an emergency as the present ? Better to be a soldier, as you ought, in your country's cause, maintained by those very allowances. Is any one of you be- yond the military age ? What he now irregularly takes with- out doing service, let him take by just regulation, superin- tending and transacting needful business. Thus, without derogating from or adding to our political system, only re- moving some irregularity, I bring it into order, establishing a uniform rule for receiving money, for serving in war, for sitting on juries, for doing what each according to his age can do, and what occasion requires. I never advise we should give to idlers the wages of the diligent, or sit at leisure, passive and helpless, to hear that such^a one's mercenaries are victorious ; as we now do. Not that I blame any one who does you a service : I only call upon you, Athenians, to perform on your own account those duties for which you honour strangers, and not to surrender that post of dignity which, won through many glorious dangers, your ancestors have bequeathed.

I have said nearly ah1 that I think necessary. I trust you will adopt that course which is best for the country and yourselves.

THE FIEST PHILIPPIC.

THE ARGUMENT.

Philip, after the defeat of Onomarchus, had marched towards the puss of Thermopylae, which, however, he found occupied by the Athenians, who had sent a force for the purpose of preventing his advance. Being baffled there, he directed his march into Thrace, and alarmed the Athenians for the safety of their dominions in the Chersonese. At the same time he sent a fleet to attack the islands of Lemnos and Imbrus, infested the commerce of Athens with his cruisers, and even insulted her coast. In Thrace he became involved in the disputes between the rival kings Amadocus and Cersobleptes, espousing the cause of the former ; and for some time he was engaged in the inte- rior of that country, either at war with Cersobleptes, or extending his own influence over other parts of Thrace, where he established or expelled the rulers, as it suited him. It was just at that time that Demosthenes spoke the following oration, the first in which he called

THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 61

the attention of his countrymen to the dangerous increase of Philip's power. He had become convinced by 'the course of events, and by observing the restless activity of Philip, that Athens had more to- fear from him than from Thebes, or from any new combination of the Grecian republics. The orator himself, perhaps, hardly appreciated the extent of Philip's resources, strengthened as he was now by .the friendship of Thessaly, possessed of a navy and maritime towns, and relieved from the presence of any powerful neighbours. What were the precise views of Demosthenes as to the extent of the impending danger, we cannot say. It was not for him to frighten the Athenians too much, but to awaken them from their lethargy. This he does in a speech, which, without idle declamation or useless ornament, is essentially practical. He alarms, but encourages, his countrymen ; points out both their weakness and their strength; rouses them to a sense of danger, and shows the way to meet it ; recommends not any extraordinary efforts, for which at the moment there was no urgent necessity, and to make which would have exceeded their power, but unfolds a scheme, simple and feasible, suiting the occasion, and calcu- lated (if Athenians had not been too degenerate) to lay the founda- tion of better things.

HAD the question for debate been anything new, Athenians, I should have waited till most of the usual speakers1 had been heard ; if any of their counsels had been to my liking, T had remained silent, else proceeded to impart my own. But as the subject of discussion is one upon which they have spoken oft before, I imagine, though I rise the first, I am entitled to indulgence. For if these men had advised pro- perly in time past, there would be no necessity for deliberat- ing now.

First I say, you must not despond, Athenians, under your present circumstances, wretched as they are ; for that which is worst in them as regards the past, is best for the future. What do I mean ? That your affairs are amiss, men of Athens, because you do nothing which is needful; if, not- withstanding you performed your duties, it were the same, there would be no hope of amendment.

Consider next, what you know by report, and men of expe- rience remember; how vast a power the Lacedaemonians had not long ago, yet how nobly and becomingly you consulted

1 By an ancient ordinance of Solon, those who were above fifty years of age were first called on to deliver their opinion. The law had ceased to be in force ; but, as a decent custom, the older men usually com- menced the debate. There would be frequent occasions for departing from such a custom, and Demosthenes, who was now thirty-three, assigns his reason for speaking first.

62 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

the dignity of Athens, and undertook the war 1 against them for the rights of Greece. Why do I mention this 1 To show and convince you, Athenians, that nothing, if you take pre- caution, is to be feared, nothing, if you are negligent, goes as you desire. Take for examples the strength of the Lace- daemonians then, which you overcame by attention to your duties, and the insolence of this man now, by which through neglect of our interests we are confounded. But if any among you, Athenians, deem Philip hard to be conquered, looking at the magnitude of his existing power, and the loss by us of all our strongholds, they reason rightly, but should reflect, that once we held Pydna and Potidsea and Methone and all the region round about as our own, and many of the nations now leagued with him were independent and free, and preferred our friendship to his. Had Philip then taken it into his feead, that it was difficult to contend with Athens, when she had so many fortresses to infest his country, and he was destitute of allies, nothing that he has accomplished would he have undertaken, and never would he have ac- quired so large a dominion. But he saw well, Athenians, that all these places are the open prizes of war, that the possessions of the absent naturally belong to the present, those of the remiss to them that will venture and toil. Acting on such principle, he has won everything and keeps it, either by way of conquest, or by friendly attachment and alliance ; for all men will side with and respect those, whom they see prepared and willing to make proper exertion. If you, Athenians, will adopt this principle now, though you did not before, and every man, where he can and ought to give his service to the state, be ready to give it without excuse, the wealthy to contribute, the able-bodied to enlist ; in a word, plainly, if you will become your own masters, and cease each expecting to do nothing himself, while his neigh- bour does everything for him, you shall then with heaven's permission recover your own, and get back what has been frittered away, and chastise Philip. Do not imagine, that

1 He refers to the war in which Athens assisted the Thebans against Lacedsemon, and in which Chabrias won the naval battle of Naxos. That war commenced twenty-six years before the speaking of the first Philippic, and would be well remembered by many of the hearers. See the Historical Abstract in this volume.

THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 63

his empire is everlastingly secured to him as a god. There are who hate and fear and envy him, Athenians, even among those that seem most friendly; and all feelings that are in other men belong, we may assume, to his confederates. But now they are all cowed, having no refuge through your tardiness and indolence, which I say you must abandon forth- with. For you see, Athenians, the case, to what pitch of arrogance the man has advanced, who leaves you not even the choice of action or inaction, but threatens and uses (they say) outrageous language, and, unable to rest in possession of his conquests, continually widens their circle, and, whilst we dally and delay, throws his net ah1 around us. When then, Athenians, when will ye act as becomes you 1 In what event ? In that of necessity, I suppose. And how should we regard the events happening now ? Methinks, to freemen the strongest necessity is the disgrace of their condition. Or tell rne, do ye like walking about and asking one another : — is there any news ? Why, could there be greater news than a man of Macedonia subduing Athenians, and directing the affairs of Greece I Is Philip dead ? No, but he is sick. And what matters it to you ? Should anything befal this man, you will soon create another Philip, if you attend to business thus. For even he has been exalted not so much by his own strength, as by our negligence. And again ; should anything happen to him ; should fortune, which still takes better care of us than we of ourselves, be good enough to accomplish this; observe that, being on the spot, you would step in while things were in confusion, and manage them as you pleased; but as you now are, though occasion offered Amphi- polis, you would not be in a position to accept it, with neither forces nor counsels at hand.1

However, as to the importance of a general zeal in the dis- charge of duty, believing you are convinced and satisfied, I ;sav no more.

As to the kind of force which I think may extricate you from your difficulties, the amount, the supplies of money, the best and speediest method (in my judgment) of pro- viding all the necessaries, I shall endeavour to inform you

1 Important advice this, to men in all relations of life. Good luck is for those who are in a position to avail themselves of it. llli poma cadunt qui poma sub arbore quserit.

64 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.

forthwith, making only one request, men of Athens. When you have heard all, determine ; prejudge not before. And let none think I delay our operations, because I recommend an entirely new force. Not those that cry, quickly! to-day! speak most to the purpose ; (for what has already happened we shall not be able to prevent by our present armament ;) but he that shows what and how great and whence procured must be the force capable of enduring, till either we have advisedly terminated the war, or overcome our enemies : for so shall we escape annoyance in future. This I think I am able to show, without offence to any other man who has a plan to offer. My promise indeed is large ; it shall be tested by the performance ; and you shall be my judges.

First, then, Athenians, I say we must provide fifty war- ships,1 and hold ourselves prepared, in case of emergency, to embark and sail. I require also an equipment of transports for half the cavalry2 and sufficient boats. This we must have ready against his sudden marches "from his own country to Thermopylae, the Chersonese, Olynthus, and anywhere he likes. For he should entertain the belief, that possibly you may rouse from this over-carelessness, and start off, as you did to Euboea,3 and formerly (they say) to Haliartus,4 and very lately to Thermopylae. And although you should not pursue just the course I would advise, it is no slight matter, that

1 The Athenian ship of war at this time was the Trireme, or galley with three ranks of oars. It had at the prow a beak (tpfioXov), with a sharp iron head, which, in a charge, (generally made at the broadside,) was able to shatter the planks of the enemy's vessel. An ordinary trireme carried two hundred men, including the crew and marines. These last (eTr/jScmu) were usually ten for each ship, but the number was often increased. The transports and vessels of burden, whether merchant vessels or boats for the carriage of military stores, were round-bottomed, more bulky in construction, and moved rather with sails than oars. Hence the fighting ship is called raxe?a, swift. It carried a sail, to be used upon occasion, though it was mainly worked with oars.

2 The total number was one thousand, each tribe furnishing one hundred.

3 The expedition about five years before, when the Thebans had sent an army to Euboea, and Timotheus roused his countrymen to expel them from the island. Of this, Demosthenes gives an animated account at the close of the oration on the Chersonese.

4 B. c. 395, when the war between Thebes and Sparta had begun, and Lysander besieged Haliartus. He was slain in a sally by the Thebans and Athenians.

THE FIRST PHILIPPIC, 65

Philip, knowing you to be in readiness — know it he will for certain; there are too many among our own people who re- port everything to him — may either keep quiet from appre- hension, or, not heeding your arrangements, be taken off his guard, there being nothing to prevent your sailing, if he give you a chance, to attack his territories. Such an armament, I say, ought instantly to be agreed upon and provided. But besides, men of Athens, you should keep in hand some force, that will incessantly make war and annoy him : none of" your ten or twenty thousand mercenaries, not your forces on paper,1 but one that shall belong to the state, and, whether you appoint one or more generals, or this or that man or any other, shall obey and follow him. Subsistence too I require for it. What the force shall be, how large, from what source maintained, how rendered efficient,,! will show you, stating every particular. Mercenaries I recommend — and beware of -doing what has often beejfi injurious — thinking all measures below the occasion, adopting the strongest in your decrees, you fail to accomplish th§ least — rather, I say, perform and procure a little, add to it afterwards, if it prove insufficient. I advise then two thousand soldiers in all, five hundred to be Athenians, of whatever age you think right, serving a limited time, not long, but such time as you think right, so as to relieve one another : the rest should be mercenaries. And with them two hundred horse, fifty at least Athenians, like the foot, on the same terms of service; and transports for them. Well ; what besides 1 Ten swift galleys : for, as Philip has a navy, we must have swift galleys also, to con- voy our power. How shall subsistence for these troops be provided ? I will state and explain ; but first let me tell you, why I consider a force of this amount sufficient, and why I wish the men to be citizens.

Of that amount, Athenians, because it is impossible for us now to raise an army capable of meeting him in the field : we must plunder 2 and adopt such kind of warfare at first :

* Literally "written in letters ;" that is, promised to the generals or fillies, but never sent. Jacobs : eine Macht die auf clem Matte stelit. Compare Shakspeare, Henry IV., Second Part, Act I, We fortify in paper and in figures, "Using the names of men instead of men.

2 Make predatory incursions, as Livy says, " populabtmdi magis quam justo more belli." Jacobs : den Krieg als Freibeuter fuhren. Another

VOL. I. F

66 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

our force, therefore, must not be over-large, (for there is not pay or. subsistence,) nor altogether mean. Citizens I wish to attend and go on board, because I hear that formerly the state maintained mercenary troops at Corinth,1 commanded by Polystratus and Iphicrates and Chabrias and some others, and that you served with them yourselves ; and I am told, that these mercenaries fighting by your side and you by theirs defeated the Lacedaemonians. But ever since your hirelings have served by themselves, they have been vanquish- ing your friends and allies, while your enemies have become unduly great. Just glancing at the war of our state, they go off to Artabazus 2 or anywhere rather, and the general follows, naturally ; for it is impossible to command without giving pay. What therefore ask 1 1 To remove the ex- cuses both of general and soldiers, by supplying pay, and attaching native soldiers, as inspectors of the general's con- duct. The way we manage things now is a mockery. For if you were asked : Are you at peace, Athenians ? No, indeed, you would say ; we are at war with Philip. Did you not choose from yourselves ten captains and generals, and also captains and two generals 3 of horse 1 How are they em- German: Streifauge zu maclien (guerilla warfare). Leland : "harass Lira with depredations." Wilson, an old English translator : " rob and spoil upon him."

1 He alludes to the time when Corinth, Athens, Thebes, and Argos were allied against Sparta, and held a congress at Corinth, B. c. 394. The allies were at first defeated, but Iphicrates gained some successes, and acquired considerable reputation by cutting off a small division (mora) of Spartan infantry.

2 Diodorus relates that Chares, in the Social war, having no money to- pay his troops, was forced to lend them to Artabazus, then in rebellion against the king of Persia. Chares gained a victory for the satrap, and received a supply of money. But this led to a complaint and menace of war by the king, which brought serious consequences. See the Historical Abstract.

3 There were chosen at Athens every year

1 Ten generals (one for each tribe),

Ten captains (one for each tribe),

Two generals of cavalry, 'linrapxoi.

Ten cavalry officers (one for each tribe), QvXapvoi. In a regular army of citizens, when each tribe formed its own divi- sion, both of horse and foot, all these generals and officers would be present. Thus, there were ten generals at Marathon. A change took place in later times, when the armies were more miscellaneous. Three,

THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 67

ployed T Except one man, whom you commission on service abroad, the rest conduct your processions with the sacrificers. Like puppet-makers, you elect your infantry and cavalry officers for the market-place, not for war. Consider, Athe- nians ; should there not be native captains, a native general of horse, your own commanders, that the force might really be the state's 1 Or should your general of horse sail to Lem- nos,1 while Menelaus commands the cavalry fighting for your possessions $ I speak not as objecting to the man, but he ought to be elected by you, whoever the person be.

Perhaps you admit the justice of these statements, but wish principally to hear about the supplies, what they must be and whence procured. I will satisfy you. Supplies, then, for maintenance, mere rations for these troops, come to ninety talents and a little more : for ten swift galleys forty talents, twenty minas a month to every ship; for two thousand soldiers forty more, that each soldier may receive for rations ten drachms a month \ and for two hundred horsemen, each receiving thirty drachms a month, twelve talents.2 Should any one think rations for the men a small provision, ho judges erroneously. Furnish that, and I am sure the army itself will, without injuring any Greek or ally, procure every- thing else from the war, so as to make out their full pay. I am ready to join the fleet as a volunteer, and submit to anything, if this be not so. Now for the ways and means of the supply, which I demand from you.

[Statement^ of ways and means. ,]

This, Athenians, is what we have been able to devise. When you vote upon the resolutions, pass ^hat you4 approve,

Athenian generals were frequently employed, and at a still later period only one. Demosthenes here touches on a very important matter, which we can well understand, viz. the necessity of officering the foreign mer- cenaries from home.

1 To assist at a religious ceremony held annually at Lenmot;. where many Athenians resided.

2 As to Athenian money, see Appendix II.

3 Here the clerk or secretary reads the scheme drawn up by Demos- thenes, in the preparing of which he was probably assisted by the finan- cial officers of the state. What follows was. according to Dionysius, spoken at a different time. The curious may consult Leland, and Jacobs' introduction to his translation.

* /. e, some measure, if not mine, whereby the war may be waged F2

G8 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

that you may oppose Philip, not only by decrees and letters, but by action also.

I think it will assist your deliberations about the war and the whole arrangements, to regard the position, Athenians, of the hostile country, and consider, that Philip by the winds and seasons of the year gets the start in most of his opera- tions, watching for the trade-winds l or the winter to com- mence them, when we are unable (he thinks) to reach the spot. On this account, we must carry on the war not with hasty levies, (or we shall be too late for everything,) but with a permanent force and power. You may use as winter quar- ters for your troops Lemnos, and Thasus, and Sciathus, and the islands2 in that neighbourhood, which have harbours and corn and all necessaries for an army. In the season of the year, when it is easy to put ashore and there is no danger from the winds, they will easily take their station off the coast itself and at the entrances of the seaports.

How and when to employ the troops, the commander ap- pointed by you will determine as occasion requires. What you must find, is stated in my bill. If, men of Athens, you will furnish the supplies which I mention, and then, after completing your preparations of soldiers, ships, cavalry, will oblige the entire force by law to remain in the service, and, while you become your own paymasters and commissaries, demand from your general an account of his conduct, you will cease to be always discussing the same questions without forwarding them in the least, and besides, Athenians, not only will you cut off his greatest revenue — What is this ? He maintains war against you through the resources of your allies, by his piracies on their navigation — But what next ] You will be out of the reach of injury yourselves : he will not do as in time past, when falling upon Lemnos and Imbrus he carried off your citizens captive, seizing the ves- sels at Gersestus he levied an incalculable sum, and lastly, made a descent at Marathon and carried off the sacred

effectually. The reading of ironfffare, adopted by Jacobs after Schaefer, is not in congruity with the sentence.

1 The Etesian winds blowing from the north-west in July, which would impede a voyage from Athens to Macedonia and Thrace.

2 As Scopelus, Halonnesus, Peparethus, which were then subject to Athens.

THE FIRST PHILIPPIC. 69

galley 1 from our coast, and you could neither prevent these things nor send succours by the appointed time. But how is it, think you, Athenians, that the Panathenaic and Dio- nysian festivals 2 take place always at the appointed time, whether expert or unqualified persons be chosen to conduct either of them, whereon you expend larger sums than upon any armament, and which are more numerously attended and magnificent than almost anything in the world ; whilst all your armaments are after the time, as that to Methone, to Pagasse, to Potidsea 1 Because in the former case every- thing is ordered by law, and each of you knows long before- hand, who is the choir-master 3 of his tribe, who the gym- nastic 4 master, when, from whom, and what he is to receive, and what to do. Nothing there is left unascertained or un- defined : whereas in the business of war and its preparations all is irregular, unsettled, indefinite. . Therefore, no sooner have we heard anything, than we appoint ship-captains, dis- pute with them on the exchanges,5 and consider about ways

1 A ship called Paralus, generally used on religious missions or to carry public despatches.

2 The Panathenaic festivals were in honour of Pallas or Athene, the protectress of Athens, and commemorated also the union of the old Attic towns under one government. There were two, the greater held every fourth year, the lesser anually. They were celebrated with sacri- fices, races, gymnastic and musical contests, and various other amuse- ments and solemnities, among which was the carrying the pictured robe of Pallas to her temple. The Dionysia, or festival of Bacchus, will be spoken of more fully hereafter.

3 The choregus, or choir-master, of each tribe, had to defray the expense of the choruses, whether dramatic, lyric, or musical, which formed part of the entertainment on solemn occasions. This was one of the Aem>up7icu, or burdensome offices, to which men of property were liable at Athens ; of which we shall see more in other parts of our author.

4 The gymnasiarch, like the choregus, had a burden imposed on him by his tribe, to make certain provisions for the gymnasium, public place or school of exercise. Some of the contests at the festivals being of a gymnastic nature, such as the Torch-race, it was his duty to make arrangements for them, and more particularly to select the ablest youths of the school for performers.

3 For every ship of war a captain, or trierarch, was appointed, whose duty it was, not merely to command, but take charge of the vessel, keep it in repair, and bear the expense (partly or wholly) of equipping it. In the Peloponnesian war we find the charge laid upon two joint captains, and afterwards it was borne by an association formed like the Symmoriae of the Property Tax. Demosthenes, when he came to

7.0 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

and means ; then it is resolved that resident aliens and house- holders l shall embark, then to put yourselves on board instead: but during these delays the objects of our expedition are lost; for the time of action we waste in preparation, and favour- able moments wait not our evasions and delays. The forces that we imagine we possess in the meantime, are found, when the crisis comes, utterly insufficient. And Philip has arrived at such a pitch of arrogance, as to send the following letter to the Eubceans :

\Tlie letter is read.~\

Of that which has been read, Athenians, most is true, unhappily true ; perhaps not agreeable to hear. And if what one passes over in speaking, to avoid offence, one could pass over in reality, it is right to humour the audience : but if graciousness of speech, where it is out of place, does harm in action, shameful is it, Athenians, to delude ourselves, and by putting off everything unpleasant to miss the time for all operations, and be unable even to understand, that skilful makers of war should not follow circumstances, but be in advance of them ; that just as a general may be expected to lead his armies, so are men of prudent counsel to guide circumstances, in order that their resolutions may be accom- plished, not their motions determined by the event. Yet you, Athenians, with larger means than any people, — ships, infantry, cavalry, and revenue — have never up to this day made proper use of any of them ; and your war with Philip differs in no respect from the boxing of barbarians. For among them the party struck feels always for the blow;* strike him somewhere else, there go his hands again ; ward or look in the face he cannot nor will. So you, if you hear of

the head of affairs, introduced some useful reforms in the system of the Trierarchy.

The exchange, dvriSoffis, was a stringent but clumsy contrivance, to enforce the performance of these public duties by persons capable of bearing them. A party charged might call upon any other person to take the office, or exchange estates with him. If he refused, complaint was made to the magistrate who had cognisance of the business, and the dispute was judicially heard and decided.

1 Freedmen, who had quitted their masters' house, and lived independently.

2 Compare Yirgil, JEn. ix. 577.

Ille manum projecto tegmine demens Ad vulDus tulit.

THE FIRST PH-ILIPriC. 71

Philip iii the Chersonese, vote to send relief there, if at Thermopylae, the same; if anywhere else, you run after his heels up and down, arid are commanded by him; no plan have you devised for the war, no circumstance do you see beforehand, only1 when you learn that something is done, or about to be done. Formerly perhaps this was allowable : now it is come to a crisis, to be tolerable no longer. And it seems, men of Athens, as if some god, ashamed for us at our proceedings, has put this activity into Philip. For had he been willing to remain quiet in possession of his conquests and prizes, and attempted nothing further, some of you, I think, would be satisfied with a state of things, which brands our nation with the shame of cowardice and the foulest disgrace. But by continually encroaching and grasp- ing after more, he may possibly rouse you, if you have not altogether despaired. I marvel, indeed, that none of you, Athenians, notices with concern and anger, that the beginning of this war was to chastise Philip, the end is to protect our- selves against his attacks. One thing is clear : he will not stop, unless some one oppose him. And shall we wait for this ? And if you despatch empty galleys and hopes from this or that person, think ye all is well 1 Shall we not em- bark? Shall we not sail with at least a part of our na- tional forces, now though not before 1 Shall we not make a descent upon his coast ? Where, then, shall we land ? some one asks. The war itself, men of Athens, will discover the rotten parts of his empire, if we make a trial ; but if we sit at home, hearing the orators accuse and malign one another, no good can ever be achieved. Methinks, where a portion of our citizens, though not all, are commissioned with the rest, Heaven blesses, and Fortune aids the struggle : but where you send out a general and an empty decree and hopes from the hustings, nothing that you desire is done; your enemies scoff, and your allies die for fear of such an arma- ment. For it is impossible, — aye, impossible, for one man to execute all your wishes : to promise,2 and assert, and accuse this or that person, is possible ; but so your affairs are ruined.

1 This loose mode of expression, which is found in the original, <I designedly retain.

2 Chares is particularly alluded to. The " promises of Chares " passed into a proverb.

72 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES,

The general commands wretched unpaid hirelings; here are persons easily found, who tell you lies of his conduct; you vote at random from what you hear : what then can be expected 1

How is this to cease, Athenians ? When you make the same persons soldiers, and witnesses of the general's conduct, and judges when they return home at his audit; l so that you may not only hear of your own affairs, but be present to see them. So disgraceful is our condition now, that every general is twice or thrice tried2 before you for his life, though none dares even once to hazard his life against the enemy : they prefer the death of kidnappers and thieves to that which becomes them ; for it is a malefactor's part to die by sentence of the law, a general's to die in battle. Among ourselves, some go about and say that Philip is concerting with the Lacedaemonians the destruction of Thebes and the dissolution, of republics; some, that he has sent envoys to the king;3 others, that he is fortifying cities in Illyria : so we wander about, each inventing stories. For my part, Athenians, by the gods I believe, that Philip is intoxicated with the magni- tude of his exploits, and has many such dreams in his imagina- tion, seeing the absence of opponents, and elated by success ; but most certainly he has no such plan of action, as to let the silliest people among us know what his intentions are ; for the silliest are these newsmongers. Let us dismiss such talk, and remember only that Philip is an enemy, who robs us of our own and has long insulted us; that wherever we have expected aid from any quarter, it has been found hostile, and that the future depends on ourselves, and unless we are willing to fight him there, we shall perhaps be compelled to fight here. This let us remember, and then we shall have

1 The audit or scrutiny of his conduct which every officer of the republic had to undergo, before a jury, if necessary, at the end of his administration. In the case of a general, the scrutiny would be like a court-martial. The Athenian people, (says Demosthenes,) as represented by the citizen soldiers, would themselves be witnesses of the general's conduct. These same soldiers, when they came home, or at least a portion of them, might serve on the jury ; and so the people would be both witnesses and judges.

2 Chares was tried several times. Capital charges were preferred also against Autocles, Cephisodotus, Leosthenes, Callisthenes.

3 The king of Persia, generally called the kitig by the Greeks.

ON THE PEACE, 73

determined wisely, and have done with idle conjectures. You need not pry into the future, but assure yourselves it will be disastrous, unless you attend to your duty, and are willing to act as becomes you,

As for me, never before have I courted favour, by speaking what I am not convinced is for your good, and now I have spoken my whole mind frankly and unreservedly. I could have wished, knowing the advantage of good counsel to yc-u, I were equally certain of its advantage to the counsellor : so should I have spoken with more satisfaction. Now, with an uncertainty of the consequence to myself, but with a convic- tion that you will benefit by adopting it, I proffer my advice. I trust only, that what is most for the common benefit will prevail.

THE ORATION OX THE PEACE.

THE ARGUMENT.

To understand as well the subject of this oration, as the motives of Demosthenes, who here recommends a course of action different from the vigorous measures counselled by him on other occasions, it is necessary to take a short review of the preceding events, and observe the position in which Athens stood at the time when the speech was delivered.

Philip, after taking Olynthus, turned his thoughts to new objects, of which the more immediate were, first, to get possession of the Greek towns on the Hellespont and the Chersonese ; secondly, to get a foot- ing in southern Greece. The first of these seemed comparatively easy since the reduction of Olynthus ; the Second was more difficult, and could only be accomplished by the aid or sufferance of certain Greek states. But the continuance of the Sacred war afforded Philip an opportunity of which he skilfully availed himself. Phalsecus, son of Onomarchus, had maintained his ground against the enemy, and both Thebans and Thessalians began to be desirous of Macedonian aid. But Athens was in alliance with Phocis, and Philip had seen some few years before, when the Athenians occupied the pass of Thermopylae, that they were still capable of vigorous efforts, if under able direction or any strong excitement. It became therefore his policy to conci- liate Athens for the present. He caused it to be announced by means of his agents and partisans, that he was desirous of peace, and reports of various acts of kindness done by him to Athenian citizens in Macedonia were studiously disseminated. This seems to have been the period at which Philip gained over to his interest, or even retained

74: THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.

in his service, divers active members of the Athenian assembly. Among them was Philocrates, who first made a formal motion, that Philip should have leave to open a negotiation. Soon after he carried a decree to send ambassadors to Philip, and ten were despatched, among them Philocrates himself, jEschines, and Demosthenes. They returned with a letter from Philip, and were soon followed by three Macedonian envoys of high distinction, Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus. The Athenians met in assembly ; peace was determined on, and the ambassadors were again ordered to sail to Macedonia to receive the oath of Philip. In the meantime Philip had marched into Thrace, where he defeated Cersobleptes, the king of that country, and took possession of a part of his dominions. From this expedition he had not returned when the Athenian ambassadors arrived at Pella, the Macedonian capital. , Here they waited a month, and, on Philip's return, were induced by that monarch, who had secretly prepared for his invasion of Phocis, to accompany him as far as Pherae in Thessaly. From Pherse they departed for Athens, and Philip marched straight to Thermopylae. The Athenians, deceived by his promises, were lulled into security ; Phalaecus, seeing no hope of assistance, withdrew from Phocis, while Philip, strengthened by the forces of Thessaly and Thebes, overran the country, and took possession of Delphi. An Arnphictyonic council was convened to sit in judgment on the sacri- legious Phocians. Sentence was passed on them, which (besides other penalties) deprived them of their seat in the council of Amphictyons, and transferred their privileges to the king of Macedonia.

The first intelligence of these transactions was received at Athens with consternation. Measures were taken to put the city in a state of defence, as if an invasion were threatened. Philip sent a calm letter of remonstrance, which allayed the fears of the people, but did not abated their anger and ill-humour. A feeling of disappointment was mingled with shame for their own credulity, and alarm at the increase of Macedonian influence. They saw too, with deep vexation, that Philip, instead of conferring any benefit upon Athens, as they had fondly hoped he would, had exerted himself to promote the advantage of Thebes, which, by his assistance, recovered her subject Boeotian towns, and even obtained some of the Phocian territory for herself. Nothing more strongly marked the state of public feeling at Athens, than her refusal at this time to attend the Pythian games, at which Philip had been chosen to preside by the Arnphictyonic decree. The Athenians by absenting themselves made a sort of protest against his election.

It was in this state of things that Macedonian ambassadors, accompanied by Thessalian and Boeotian, arrived at Athens, to demand from her a formal sanction of the decree by which Philip had become a member of the Arnphictyonic council. An assembly was held to consider the question. The people were exceedingly clamorous, and applauded those orators who opposed the claim of Philip. JSschines, who sup- ported it, could scarcely obtain a hearing. Demosthenes at length addressed the assembly, and, without advising any dishonourable submission, or even direct concession to what the envoys required, strongly dissuaded his countrymen 'from taking any course which

ON THE PEACE, 75

might draw Athens into a war. It was not that Philip was less to be dreaded now than he was before; on the contrary, his power had greatly increased ; but this was not the time to provoke his hostility, backed as he was by Thessaly and Thebes ; and even if Athens could stand alone against such a combination, a mere Amphictyonic title was not a proper subject of quarrel.

It appears that the Athenians came to no formal vote on this matter, but their anger was so far calmed by the arguments of Demosthenes, that the envoys departed with full confidence that the peace would not be broken.

I SEE, men of Athens, our affairs are in great perplexity and confusion, not only because many interests have been sacri- ficed, and it is useless to make fine speeches about them, but because, for preserving what remains, you cannot agree upon any single expedient, some holding one opinion, and some another. And besides, perplexing and difficult as deliberation of itself is, you, Athenians, have rendered it far more so. For other men usually hold counsel before action, you hold it after : the result of which during all the time of my remem- brance has been, that the censurer of your errors gets repute and credit as a good speaker, while your interests and objects of deliberation are lost. Yet, even under these circum- stances, I believe, and I have risen with the persuasion, that if you will desist from wrangling and tumult, and listen as becomes men on a political consultation of such importance, I shall be able to suggest and advise measures by which our affairs may be improved and our losses retrieved.

Well as I know, Athenians, that to talk before you of one- self and one's own counsels is a successful artifice with unscrupulous men, I think it so vulgar and offensive, that I shrink from it even in a case of necessity. However, I think you will better appreciate what I shall say now, by calling to mind a little that I said on former occasions. For example, Athenians, when they were advising you in the troubles of Eubcea to assist Plutarch,1 and undertake a dis-

1 Callias, sovereign of Chalcis, had invited Philip into Eubcea, to assist him against Plutarch, sovereign of Eretria ; Plutarch applied to Athens for assistance, and Phocion was sent with an army into Eubcea, where, by the carelessness of 'treachery of Plutarch, he was exposed in a defile at Tamynse, and attacked by Callias with a superior force of Chalci- dians and Macedonians. He gained the victory, but to punish Plutarch expelled him from Eretria. This happened B. c. 354. After Phocion quitted the island, a Macedonian party began to prevail at Eretria, and Philip got possession of the city, defeating and taking prisoner Molossus, the Athenian commander.

76 THE ORATIONS OP DEMOSTHENES.

creditable and expensive war, I, and I alone, stood forward to oppose it, and was nearly torn to pieces by the men who for petty lucre have seduced you into many grievous errors. A short time later, when you incurred disgrace, and suffered what no mortals ever did from parties whom they assisted, you all acknowledged the worthlessness of their counsels who misled you, and the soundness of mine. Again, Athe- nians, when I saw that Neoptolemus1 the actor, privileged under colour of his profession, wras doing serious mischief to the state, managing and directing things at Athens on Philip's behalf, I came and informed you, not from any private enmity or malice, as subsequent occurrences have shown. And herein I shall not blame the advocates of Neoptolemus, (for there were none,) but you yourselves ; for had you been seeing a tragedy in the temple of Bacchus, instead of it being a debate on the public weal and safety, you could not have heard him with more partiality, or me with more intolerance. But I suppose you all now understand, that he made his journey to the enemy, in order (as he said) to get the debts there owing to him, and defray thereout his public charges at home ; and, after urging this argument, that it was hard to reproach men who brought over their effects from abroad, as soon as he obtained security through the peace, he converted into money all the real estate which he possessed here, and has gone off with it to Philip. Thus two of my warnings, justly and rightfully pronounced in accordance with the truth, testify in my favour as a counsellor. A third, men of Athens, I will mention, this one only, and straight proceed to the subject of my address. When we ambassadors, after receiving the oaths on the peace, had returned, and certain men were promising that Thespiae and Platasa2 would be repeopled ; that Philip, if he got the mastery, would save the Phocians, and disperse the population of Thebes ;3 that Oropus4

1 IsTeoptolemus on some professional engagement at Pel la had probably been bribed by Philip. He was active in promoting the peace, and afterwards abandoned his country for Macedonia.

2 Thespise and Platsea were taken and rased to the ground by the Thebans under Epaminondas, B. c. 373.

3 That is, dismantle the city, and disperse the inhabitants into villages in order to destroy their power. An example of such a Sioitcicris was the dismemberment of Mantinea by the Spartans in the year B.C. 385.

4 Oropus was a border town, for the possession of which Thebes and

OX THE PEACE. 77

would be yours, and Eubcea given as compensation for Am- phipolis, with more of the like hopes and delusions, which led you on, against policy, equity and honour, to abandon the Phocians; you will find, I neither aided in any of these deceits, nor held my tongue. I warned you, as you surely remember, that I knew not of these things nor expected them, and deemed it all idle gossip.

These instances, wherein I have shown greater foresight than others, I mention not by way of boast, nor ascribe, Athenians, to any sagacity of my own, nor will I pretend to discover or discern the future from any but two causes, which I will state : first, men of Athens, through good fortune, which I observe beats all the craft and cleverness of man; secondly, because I judge and estimate things disinterestedly, and no one can show that any lucre is attached to my politics or my speeches. Therefore, whatever be your true policy, as indicated by the circumstances, I have a correct view of it ; but when you put money on one side as in a balance, it carries away and pulls down the judgment with it, and he that does so can no longer reason upon anything justly or soundly.

The first thing which I maintain to be necessary is this. Whether you seek to obtain allies, or contribution, l or aught else for the state, do it without disturbing the present peace ; not that it is very glorious or worthy of you, but, whatever be its character, it had better suited our interests never to have made peace, than to break it ourselves : for wre have thrown away many advantages, which would have rendered the war then safer and easier for us than it can be now. Secondly, Athenians, we must take care that these people assembled and calling themselves Amphictyons2 are not by

Athens had long contended. Themison of Eretria had taken, it from Athens, and put it in the hands of the Thebans.

1 I.e. money contributed by allies. When the Athenians reestab- lished their confederacy, which had been dissolved by the Pelopon- nesian war, the payments received from the allies received the name of contributions, ffwrafys, as less obnoxious than tribute, <(>6pos.

2 The Amphictyonic league, at the head of which Philip was now placed, was a federal union of Hellenic (or Greek) tribes, having for its object the maintenance of a common religion and nationality. The various deputies met twice a-year, in the spring at Delphi, in the autumn at Anthela near Thermopylae. They met, not only to celebrate games and festivals, but to transact the business of the league, to determine

T8 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

us necessitated, or furnished with a plea, to make a common war against us. I grant, if we renewed the war with Philip on account of Amphipolis, or any such private quarrel, in which Thessalians, Argives and Thebans are not concerned, none of them would join in it, and least of all — hear me before you cry out — the Thebans : not that they are kindly disposed to us, or would not gratify Philip, but they see clearly, stupid as one may think them,1 that, if they had a war with you, the hardships would all be theirs, while another sat waiting for the advantages. Therefore they would not throw themselves into it, unless the ground and origin of the war were common. So if we again went to war with the Thebans for Oropus or any private cause, I should fear no disaster, because our respective auxiliaries would assist us or them, if either country were invaded, but would join with neither in aggression. Such is the spirit of alliances that are worth regard, and so the thing naturally is. People are not friendly either to us or the Thebans, to the extent of equally desiring our safety and our predominance. Safe they would all have us for their own sakes; dominant, so as to become their masters, they would not have either of us. What then, say I, is the danger? what to be guarded against? Lest in the coming war there be found a common plea, a common grievance for all. If Argives. and Messenians, and Megalopolitaris, and some of the other Peloponnesians, who are in league with them, are hostile to us on account of our negotiating with the Lacedaemonians and seeming to take up some of their enterprises; if the Thebans are (as they say) our enemies, and will be more so, because we harbour their

questions of international law and religion. The oracular sanctity of Delphi gave a dignity to these meetings, but the rivalry and jealousies of the more powerful Greek states did not permit them (in general) to- be controlled by Amphictyonic decrees. The three Sacred wars are instances in which their decrees were enforced by combination ; but in the two last, for which Philip's aid was invited, there was but little enthusiasm in the cause from any motive of religion or patriotism. The meeting at which Philip had been chosen president was so tumultuous and, irregular, that the Athenians would not allow it to be a legal con- vocation of the Amphictyonic body. Philip greatly resented this, because his election was considered to establish the title of his country- men to rank among the Greek nations.

1 Boeotian stupidity was proverbial. So Horace,, Epist. II. i. 224. Bceotum in crasso jurares acre natum.

ON THE PEACE. 79-

exiles and in eveiy way manifest our aversion to them; Thessalians again, because we harbour the Phocian exiles, and Philip, because we oppose his admission to the Amphic- tyonic body ; I fear that, each incensed on a private quarrel, they will combine to bring war upon you, setting up the decrees of the Amphictyons, and be drawn on (beyond what their single interests require) to battle it with us, as they did with the Phocians. For you are surely aware, that now the Thebans and Philip and the Thessalians have cooperated, without having each exactly the same views. For example, the Thebans could not hinder Philip from advancing and occupying the passes, nor yet from coming last and having the credit of their labours. True, in respect of territorial acquisition, something has been done for them ; but in regard to honour and reputation, they have fared wretchedly ; since, had Philip not stept in, they would (it seems) have got nothing. This was. not agreeable to them, but having the wish without the power to obtain Orchomenos and Coronea, they submitted to it all. Of Philip, you know, some persons venture to say, that he would not have given Orchomenos and Coronea to the Thebans, but was compelled to do so. I wish them joy of their opinion,1 but thus far I believe, that he cared not so much about that business, as he desired to occupy the passes, and have the glory of the war, as being determined by his agency, and the direction of the Pythian games. Such were the objects of his ambition. The Thes- saiians wished not either Philip or Thebes to be aggrandised, since in both they saw danger to themselves ; but sought to

1 Demosthenes did not entirely scout the suggestion made with regard to Philip's views ; but perhaps he thought that Philip could not venture to offend his Theban allies then ; and one of the means of humbling: Athens was, to increase the power of her neighbour. If it be asked why Philip might not have seized upon Elatea at this time, as well as eighr. years later, I should say, not on account of the peace with Athens, but because he desired to rest upon his Amphictyonic honours, and have the full benefit of the moral ascendency which he had acquired. It was not clear that his grand object, which was rather to lead than to conquer Greece, might not be obtained without a war against any of her principal states. Afterwards, when the Athenians, under the active administra- tion of Demosthenes, baffled his efforts in the north, and showed a deter- mination to counteract all his projects, it became necessary for him to strike a decisive blow, even at the risk of irritating Thebes. He ran this risk, and succeeded, but not without danger.

30 THE ORATIOXS OF DEMOSTHENES.

obtain these two advantages, the synod at Thermopylae, and the privileges at Delphi;1 for which objects they aided the confederacy. Thus you will find that each party has been led into many acts unwillingly : and against this danger, being such as I describe, you must take precautions.

Must we then do as we are bidden, for fear of the conse- quences 1 and do you recommend this ? Far from it, I advise you so to act, as not to compromise your dignity, to avoid war, to prove yourselves right-thinking, just-speaking men. With those who think we should boldly suffer anything, and do not foresee the war, I would reason thus. We permit the Thebans to have Oropus ; and if one asked us why, and required a true answer, we should say, To avoid war. And to Philip now we 'have ceded Amphipoiis by treaty, and allow the Cardians2 to be excepted from the other people of the Chersonese ; and the Carian3 to seize the islands Chios, Cos, andjUhodes, and the Byzantines to detain 4 our vessels ; evi- dently because we think the tranquillity of peace more beneficial than strife and contest about such questions. It were folly then' and utter absurdity, after dealing thus with each party singly on matters of vital moment to ourselves, to battle now with them all for a shadow at Delphi,

1 The Thessalians were peculiarly aggri^gHj^Bir exclusion •(during the Sacred war) from the national synod; and from the oracle and festivities of Delphi. Their country had been the cradle of the Hellenic race, their deputies were the most numerous in the council, and their vicinity to the 'places of meeting gave them a greater interest in the proceedings. Hence they most eagerly pressed for punishment of the Phocians. The tribes of Mount (Eta proposed, that the male popu- lation of Phocis should be precipitated from the Delphian rock ; which cruelty was not permitted by Philip. To gratify the Thessalians, Philip put them in possession of Nicsea, one of the towns near the pass of Thermopylae, but even there he kept a Macedonian garrison. The 'Thebans had expected to have that town themselves, and were disap- pointed.

2 Cardia was a city at the north-western extremity of the Chersonese, •and from its position on the isthmus was considered the key of the peninsula. Among the towns ceded to Athens by Cersobleptes, Cardia had not been included ; but the Athenians afterwards laid claim to it, and Philip supported the Cardians in resisting that claim.

3 Idrieus, king of Caria, who was now in possession of these islands, which had revolted from Athens in the Social war.

1 Compel them to go into their port to pay harbour duties.

THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 81

THE SECOND PHILIPPIC.

THE ARGUMENT.

Soon after the close of the Phocian war, the attention of Philip was called to Peloponnesus, where the dissensions between Sparta and her old enemies afforded him an occasion of interference. The Spartans had never abandoned their right to the province of Mes- senia, which had been wrested from them by Epaminondas; and since Thebes was no longer to be feared, they seem to have conceived hopes of regaining their lost power. The Argives and the Arcadians of Megalopolis were in league with Messenia, but Sparta had her allies in the Peloponnesus, and even Athens was suspected of favouring her cause. It does not appear that any open hostilities had taken place ; but about this time the fears of the Messenians induced them to solicit the alliance of Philip. He willingly promised them his protection, and sent a body of troops into the Peninsula. The progress which Macedonian influence was making there having alarmed the Athenians, they sent Demosthenes with an embassy to counteract it. He went to Messene and to Argos, addressed the people, and pointed out the dangers to which all Greece was exposed by Philip's ambition. It seems that he failed in rousing their sus- picions, or they were too much occupied by an immediate peril to heed one that appeared remote. Philip however resented this proceeding on the part of the Athenians, and sent an embassy to expostulate with them, especially on the charge of bad faith and treachery which had been preferred against him by Demosthenes. Ambassadors from Argos and Messene accompanied those of Macedon, and complained of the connexion that appeared to subsist between Athens and Lacedsemon, hostile (they thought) to the liberties of Peloponnesus. In answer to these complaints, Demosthenes addressed his second Philippic to the Popular Assembly ; repeating the substance of what lie had said to the Peloponnesians, vindicating his own conduct, and denouncing the Macedonian party at Athens. The embassy led to no immediate result; but the influence of Demosthenes at home was increased.

IN all the speeches, men of Athens, about Philip's measures and infringements of the peace, I observe that statements made on our behalf are thought just and generous,1 and all

1 Generous, as regards the Greek states, whose independence the Athenians stand up for. This praise Demosthenes frequently claims for his countrymen, and, compared with the rest of the Greeks, they deserved it. Leland understood .the word <pi\av6puTrovs in the same

VOL. I. G

THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

who accuse Philip are heard with approbation ; yet nothing (I may say) that is proper, or for the sake of which the speeches are worth hearing, is done. To this point are the affairs of Athens brought, that the more fully and clearly one convicts Philip of violating the peace with you, and plotting against the whole of Greece, the more difficult it becomes to advise you how to act. The cause lies in all of us, Athenians, that, when we ought to oppose an ambi- tious power by deeds and actions, not by words, we men of the hustings1 shrink from our duty, of moving and advising, for fear of your displeasure, and only declaim on the heinousness and atrocity of Philip's conduct; you of the assembly, though better instructed than Philip to argue justly, or comprehend the argument of another, to check him in the execution of his designs are totally unprepared. The result is inevitable, I imagine, and perhaps just. You each succeed better in what you are busy and earnest about ; Philip in actions, you in words. If you are still satisfied with using the better arguments, it is an easy matter, and there is no trouble : but if we are to take measures for the correction of these evils, to prevent their insensible progress, and the rising up of a mighty power, against which we could have no defence, then our course of deliberation is not the same as formerly ; the orators, and you that hear them, must prefer good and salutary counsels to those which are easy and agreeable.

First, men of Athens, if any one regards without unsasiness the might and dominion of Philip, and imagines that it threatens no danger to the state, or that all his preparations are not against you, I marvel, and would entreat you every one to hear briefly from me the reasons, why I am led to form a contrary expectation, and wherefore I deem Philip an enemy ; that, if I appear to have the clearer foresight, you

sense, though he translates it humane. We use the term philanthropic in a sense not unlike that of the orator ; but, as Leland truly observes, " the distinction of Greek and barbarian precluded the rest of mankind from a just share in Grecian philanthropy ; " and he might have added, that their notions of slavery were not in accordance with an enlarged humanity. Therefore, I prefer a word of a less arrogant meaning. Jacobs: Ullig. Francis: •' filled with sentiments of exceeding mode- ration."

1 Auger has : " nous qui montons & la tribune.

THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 83

may hearken to ine ; if they, who have such confidence and trust in Philip, you may give your adherence to them.

Thus then I reason, Athenians. What did Philip first make himself master of after the peace ?• Thermopylae and the Phocian state. Well, and how used he his power ? He • chose to act for the benefit of Thebes, not of Athens. Why so ? Because, I conceive, measuring his calculations by ambition, by his desire of universal empire, without regard to peace, quiet, or justice, he saw plainly, that to a people of our character and principles nothing could he offer or give, that would induce you for self-interest to sacrifice any of the Greeks to him. He sees that you, having respect for justice,, dreading the infamy of the thing, and exercising proper fore- thought, would oppose him in any such attempt as much as if you were at war : but the Thebans he expected (and events prove him right) would, in return for the services done them, allow him in everything else to have his way, and, so far from thwarting or impeding him, would fight on his side if he required it. From the same persuasion he be- friended lately the Messenians and Argives, which is the highest panegyric upon you, Athenians; for you are adjudged by these proceedings to be the only people incapable of betraying for lucre the national rights of Greece, or bartering your attachment to her for any obligation or benefit. And this opinion of you, that (so different) of the Argives and Thebans, he has naturally formed, not only from a view of present times, but by reflection on the past. For as- suredly he finds and hears that your ancestors, who might have governed the rest of Greece on terms of submitting to Persia, not only spurned the proposal, when Alexander,1 this man's ancestor, came as herald to negotiate, but preferred to abandon their country and endure any suffering, and there-

. l Alexander of Macedon, son of Amyntas, was sent by Mardonius, the Persian commander, to offer the most favourable terms to the Athe^ nians, if they would desert the cause of the Greeks. The Spartans at the same time sent an embassy, to remind them of their duty. The spirited reply which the Athenians made to both embassies is related by Herodotus. The Thebans submitted to Xerxes, and fought against the Greeks at the battle of Platsea. The Argives were neutral, chiefly from jealousy of Sparta. They demanded half the command of the allied army, as a condition of their assistance, but this could not bo complied with.

84 THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

after achieved such exploits as all the world loves to mention, though none could ever speak them worthily, and therefore I must be silent; for their deeds are too mighty to be uttered1 in words. But the forefathers of the Argives and Thebans, they either joined the barbarian's army, or did not oppose it ; and therefore he knows that both will selfishly embrace their advantage, without considering the common interest of the Greeks. He thought then, if he chose your friendship, it must be on just principles; if he attached him- self to them, he should find auxiliaries of his ambition. This is the reason of his preferring them to you both then and now. For certainly he does not see them with a larger navy than you, nor has he acquired an inland empire and renounced that of the sea and the ports, nor does he forget the professions and promises on which he obtained the peace.

Well, it may be said, he knew all this, yet he so acted, not from ambition or the motives which I charge, but because the demands of the Thebans were more equitable than yours. Of all pleas, this now is the least open to him. He that bids. the Lacedaemonians resign Messene, how can he pretend, when he delivered Orchomenos and Coronea to the Thebans, to have acted on a conviction of justice ?

But, forsooth, he was compelled, — this plea remains — he made concessions against his will, being surrounded by Thes- salian horse and Theban infantry. Excellent ! So of his intentions they talk; he will mistrust the Thebans; and some carry news about, that he will fortify Elatea. All this he intends and will intend, I dare say; but to attack the Lacedaemonians on behalf of Messene and Argos he does not intend; he actually sends mercenaries and money into the country, and is expected himself with a great force. The Lacedaemonians, who are enemies of Thebes, he overthrows; the Phocians, whom he himself before destroyed, will he now preserve 1

And who can believe this 1 I cannot think that Philip,

1 The simple ciVetV in the original is more forcible than if it had

been eVcuveu/, or the like. Compare Shakspeare, Coriolanus, Act ii. sc. 2.

I shall lack voice : the deeds of Coriolanus

Should not be uttered feebly

For this last,

Before and in Corioli, let me say,

I cannot speak him home.

THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 85

either if he was forced into his former measures, or if he were now giving up the ThebanS, would pertinaciously oppose their enemies; his present conduct rather shows that he adopted those measures by choice. All things prove to a correct observer, that his whole plan of action is against our state. And this has now become to him a sort of necessity. Consider. He desires empire: he conceives you to be his only opponents. He has been for some time wronging you, as his own conscience best informs him, since, by retaining what belongs to you, he secures the rest of his dominion : had he given up Amphipolis and Potideea, he deemed himself unsafe at home. He knows therefore, both that he is plotting against you, and that you are aware of it; and, supposing you to have intelligence, he thinks you must hate him; he is alarmed, expecting some disaster, if you get the chance, unless he hastes to prevent you. Therefore he is awake, and on the watch against us ; he courts certain people, Thebans, and people in Peloponnesus of the like views, who from cupidity, he thinks, will be satisfied with the present, and from dulness of understanding will foresee none of the consequences. And yet men of even moderate sense might notice striking facts, which I had occasion to quote to the Messenians and Argives, and perhaps it is better they should be repeated to you.

Ye men of Messene, said I, how do ye think the Olynthians would have brooked to hear anything against Philip at those times, when he surrendered to them Anthemus, which all former kings of Macedonia claimed, when he cast out the Athenian colonists and gave them Potidsea, taking on himself your enmity, and giving them the land to enjoy 1 Think ye they expected such treatment as they got, or would have believed it if they had been told ? Nevertheless, said I, they, after enjoying for a short time the land of others, are for a long time deprived by him of their own, shamefully expelled, not only vanquished, but betrayed by one another and sold. In truth, these too close connexions with despots are not safe for republics. The Thessalians, again, think ye, said I, when he ejected their tyrants, and gave back Nicsea and Magnesia, they expected to have the decemvirate1 which is now esta-

1 Thessaly was anciently divided into four districts, each called a tetras, and this, as we learn from the third Philippic, was restored soon.

(> THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.

blished ? or that he who restored the meeting at Pylse l would take away their revenues ? Surely not. And yet these things have occurred, as all mankind may know. You behold Philip, I said, a dispenser of gifts and promises : pray, if you are wise, that you may never know him for a cheat and a; deceiver. By Jupiter, I said, there are manifold contrivances for the guarding and defending of cities, as ramparts, walls, trenches, and the like : these are all made with hands, and require expense; but there is one common safeguard in the nature of prudent men, which is a good security for all, but especially for democracies against despots. What do I mean? Mistrust. Keep this, hold to this; preserve this only, and you can never be injured. What do ye desire 1 Freedom. Then see ye not that Philip's very titles are at variance therewith ? Every king and despot is a foe to freedom, an antagonist to laws. Will ye not beware, I said, lest, seeking deliverance from war, you find a master *?

They heard me with a tumult of approbation ; and many other speeches they heard from the ambassadors, both in my presence and afterwards ; yet none the more, as it appears, will they keep aloof from Philip's friendship and promises. And no wonder, that Messenians and certain Peloponnesians should act contrary to what their reason approves ; but you, after the termination of the Sacred war. The object of Philip in effecting this arrangement was, no doubt, to weaken the influence of the great Thessalian families by a division of power; otherwise the Phersean tyranny might have been exchanged for an oligarchy powerful enough to be independent of Macedonia. The decemvirate here spoken of (if the text be correct) was a further contrivance to forward Philip's views ; whether we adopt Leland's opinion, that each tetrarchy was governed by a council of ten, or Schaefer's, that each city was placed under ten governors. Jacobs understands the word decemvirate not to refer to any positive form of government, but generally to designate a tyranny, such as that which the Laced eemo- nians used to introduce into conquered cities. So, for example, the Eomans might have spoken of a decemvirate after the time of Appius. However this be, Philip seems to have contrived that the ruling body, whether in the tetrarchy or the decadarchy, should be his own creatures. Two of them, Eudicus and Simus, are particularly mentioned by Demosthenes as traitors.

1 Pylce, which signifies gates, was a name applied by the Greeks to divers passes, or denies, but especially to the pass of Thermopylae, which opened through the ridges of Mount (Eta into the country of the Epicnemidian Locrian?, and was so called from the hot sulphureous springs that gushed from the foot of the mountain.

THE SECOND PHILIPPIC. 87

who understand yourselves, and by us orators are told, how you are plotted against, how you are inclosed ! you, I fear, to escape present exertion, will come to ruin ere you are aware. So doth the moment's ease and indulgence prevail over distant advantage.

As to your measures, you will in prudence, I presume, consult hereafter by yourselves. I will furnish you with such an answer as it becomes the assembly to decide upon. [Here the proposed answer ivas read.]1

It were just, men of Athens, to call the persons who brought those promises, on the faith whereof you concluded peace. For I should never have submitted to go as ambas- sador, and you would certainly not have discontinued the war, had you supposed that Philip, on obtaining peace, would act thus ; but the statements then made were very different. Aye, and others you should call. Whom ? The men who declared — after the peace, when I had returned from my second mission, that for the oaths, when, perceiving your delusion, I gave warning, and protested, and opposed the abandonment of Thermopylae and the Phocians — that I, being a water-drinker,'2 was naturally a churlish and morose fellow, that Philip, if he passed the straits, would do just as you desired, fortify Thespise and